1

If, under a second point of view, we confider the civil magiftrate as the representative of the community, expreffing the will and acting by the powers of the State, he is unquestionably called upon by revelation, to accept Christianity; to erect it with formal ratification and public inftitutions; to provide for its minifters with competent maintenance, and to preserve its establishment by arrangements adapted to its character, and consistent with the general welfare of his fubjects.

Admitting, as we may do, the distinct and peculiar defign of religion as to the principal object of its care; allowing that its juris diction refpects the foul, and aims at the re

form of establishment is properly within his province till adopted by the State. The State is bounden by obligations to God to accept of that form which it conceives to be most confiftent with the promotion of truth, and the maintenance of religion; but the civil magiftrate can have no arbitrary right to impofe his own fyftem. Charles the Firft could not have been blamed for propofing and recommending the establishment of epifcopacy to Scotland, if he had confined himself to the experiment of its being approved by the nation. He offended as much against religion as policy, when he perfifted in endeavours to establish it in oppofition to the determined fentiments of his fubjects in that country. However the fovereign may hesitate at accepting the guardianfhip of a system which he individually disapproves, he certainly must maintain a delegated truft upon the principles to which he is pledged; a rule, by departure from which James the Second justly loft his kingdom, and by the obfervance of which the king of England governs Scotland and Canada.

H

gulation

gulation of the body, only fo far as the foul is concerned; admitting alfo, that the civil power, in its abstract description, is restricted in the exercife of its authority to the direction of the external conduct of men, we still may maintain an univerfal obligation on the community, and on the governor representing the fenfe of the majority of that community, to adopt and fupport religion, as a law revealed by a Supreme Being *. The refult of which will be an union or alliance of two powers, both emanating from a Divine fource; both originally exercised by the same perfons; both confpiring in fome general views; and both

* Mr. Plowden, who in his late publication fairly afcertains the general line of difcrimination between the temporal and spiritual powers, appears to maintain exceptionable pofitions, when he afferts that the duties of the civil magiftrate were not altered by the communication of Chriftianity; and that they are fuch only as the light and law of nature will inftruct and enable him to perform. The magiftrate is certainly as much bounden to respect the laws of revelation as those of nature; and their tendency to promote the welfare of fociety is equally ftrong. The civil power indeed is not authorised to control the confcience, by impofing Divine revelation or dogmatical opinions; but neither is it authorised to enforce the acceptance of many principles of the law of nature. The magistrate is bound to reverence and promote the obfervance of the laws both of nature and revelation, by exertions confiftent with their fpirit; not to enforce the fpeculative principles of either, by coaction, though to check and punish external violation of them, where they affect the welfare of fociety. See Church and State, b. i. c. 7.

capable,

capable, while they preferve their respective limits, of promoting the present welfare of mankind; extending their protection over fociety, like the cherubim which overspread the Mercy-feat of the Tabernacle; their faces looking one to another, and stretching out their golden wings till they join at their extremities*.

The neceffity for this union does not originate, in the first instance, from the confideration of the conveniences and mutual benefit which must refult from the compact, but from the religious duty which applies to fociety, to receive a Gospel committed to all; a duty preffing on the aggregate body with collective effect, upon the fame principles as those with which it bears upon the individual; fince nothing can dispense the community at large from an obligation by which every member compofing that community is bounden; and fince "the nation and king"dom that will not ferve" Chrift" fhall perish, and be utterly wasted †.”

66

The bleffings which arife from the connection, are bleffings of ineftimable value.

* 1 Kings, ch. vi. ver. 27, 28.

+ Ifaiah, ch. lx. ver. 12..

H 2

They

1

They are fubjects of cheerful reflection, and should tend to strengthen the relation, and to endear the tie; but they are not the primary arguments and inducements to the formation of it. The theories therefore, which are defigned to fhew the neceffity and equity of an established religion, from the effence and end of civil fociety, and upon the fundamental principles merely of the law of nature and nations, however they may demonstrate such neceffity and equity, do not avail themselves of the highest ground. They debase the motives of adoption, and represent religion as an engine to be subjected to the employment of state-policy. They fubvert the proper

* Warburton, in his ingenious work of the Alliance, in which criticism, undeterred by the decifions of partial friendfhip, has difcovered much falfe and inconfiftent argument, feems fundamentally to have erred, by reprefenting what are the effects of an union between Church and State, to have been the original and only motives for its formation, and by reafoning upon the abstract idea of a state with no confideration of it as it exifts: a fociety of perfons whofe religious duties cannot be fuperfeded by a political union. The fiction of an alliance might have been usefully employed to illuftrate the advantages which refult from a connection between Church and State, and the line which should be preserved by each in the connection; but it should not have been grounded on the affertion, that the State is influenced to the conjunction by no motives but those of political expediency: much elaborate reafoning is built on falfe premises, and the learned writer is often betrayed into palpable contradictions.

and

and fecure foundation on which the arguments for the conjunction fhould be built; that of the indifpenfable obligation of accepting a Divine law; a duty to be evaded only upon the prefumption of hesitation as to the evidence of the law which profeffeth a Divine authority; a prefumption extremely injurious to the authentic and exclusive teftimonies of Chriftianity.

It fhould be farther obferved, that as the adoption of religion by the State, if it be not abfolutely neceffary to the preservation of the existence and purity of religion, and also to the well-being and profperity of society, is yet extremely conducive to those objects, there is fufficient ground to urge the duty of the State to promote fuch adoption: firft, because, upon the highest motives of reverence to God, it is right to contribute to the preservation of the existence and purity of religion *; and fecondly, because, upon a subordinate confideration very generally respected,

* Warburton maintains, that the alliance between Church and State is neceffary to preserve the purity, and even the being of religion, as well as to fecure the welfare of the State; and yet contends that the only motive which influences the State to promote the preservation of that being and purity, proceeds from a regard to civil utility, p. 96. note; which is not true, if we confider the State as a fociety of perfons bound to obey God's laws.