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COLONIA VALENTIA, a town of Spain, on the Turias; destroyed by Pompey, and restored by Julius Cæsar; still called Valencia.

COLONNA'DE, n. s. Ital. colonna, a column; a series of columns disposed in a circle, and insulated within side; any series or range of pillars.

Here circling colonnades the ground inclose, And here the marble statues breathe in rows.

Addison.

For you my colonnades extend their wings. Pope. COLONNADE, POLYSTYLE, is that whose number of columns is too great to be taken in by the eye at a single view. Such is the colonnade of the palace of St. Peter's at Rome, consisting of 284 columns of the Doric order, each above four

feet and a half diameter, all in Tiburtine marble.

COLONOS, in ancient geography, an eminence near Athens, whither Edipus, after his banishment from Thebes, is said to have retired: and hence Sophocles calls the tragedy on that subject, dipus Coloneus. A place sacred to Neptune, and where stood an equestrian statue of him. Here also stood Timon's tower: who, for his love of solitude, and hatred to mankind, was called Misanthropos.

COLONSA, or COLONSAY, one of the Western Islands of Scotland, so named from Colon, a popish saint, lying in the Atlantic Ocean, between the coast of Argyllshire and that of Ireland, four miles and a half west of Jura. It is separated from Oronsay by a narrow sound, which is dry at low water, and therefore both islands appear as one. They are both flat, compared with the towering peaks of Jura and Mull, though there is a considerable number of rugged heathcovered hills in them. They measure about 8000 acres, of which 3000 are arable. The air is pure and salubrious; the soil light and fertile. The best part of the ground maintains a fine breed of black cattle. There is a great quantity of fine coral on the banks round these islands, and

a

considerable quantity of kelp is annually made from the sea-weed thrown upon the coast. These islands constitute the west division of the parish of Jura and Colonsay.

COLONUS, a husbandman, or villager, who was bound to pay yearly a certain tribute, or at certain times of the year to plough some part of

the lord's land; and from thence comes the word clown.

CO'LONY, n. s. Į Lat. colonia. A body of COLONIZE, v.a. people drawn from the mother country to inhabit some distant place. The place itself by a metonymy; to plant with inhabitants; to settle with new planters.

To these new inhabitants and colonies he gave th same law under which they were born and bred. Spenser on Ireland. Rooting out these two rebellious septs, he placed Davies on Ireland. English colonies in their room. The rising city, which from far you see, Is Carthage and a Tyrian colony. Dryden's Virgil. Osiris, or the Bacchus of the ancients, is reported to have civilized the Indians, planting colonies, and Arbuthnot on Coins, building cities.

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There was never an hand drawn, that did double the rest of the habitable world, before this; for so a man may truly term it, if he shall put to account as well that that is, as that which may be hereafter, by the farther occupation and colonizing of those countries and yet it cannot be affirmed, if one speak genuously, that it was the propagation of the Christian faith that was the adamant of that discovery, entry, and plantation; but gold and silver, and temporal profit and glory; so that what was first in God's providence, was but second in man's appetite and in Bacon's Holy War. Druina hath advantage by acquest of islands, which she colonizeth and fortifieth daily. Howel's Vocal Forest.

tention.

While Chrysoloras admired the venerable beauties

of the mother, he was not forgetful of his native country, her fairest daughter, her imperial colony.

Gibbon. COLONY is a term that has been applied to three different kinds of emigrants, viz. 1. Those who leave their native country, when its inhabitants are become too numerous. 2. Those established by victorious princes among vanquished nations, to keep them in awe and obedience. 3. Colonies of commerce, of which the sole object is the extension of trade. I. By the first kind of colonies, some ages after the deluge, the east first, and successively all the other parts of the earth, became inhabited; and not to mention the Phoenician and Grecian colonies, so famous in ancient history, it is notorious that it was for the establishment of such colonies, that, during the of barbarous nations, issuing mostly out of the declension of the Roman empire, those torrents north, overran Gaul, Italy, and the other southern

shared it with the ancient inhabitants. II. The of Europe; and, after many bloody battles, second kind of colonies were planted by the Romans more than any other people, to secure the numerous conquests they had made. The inhabitants of many cities in France, Germany, Spain, and even England, still value themselves on their having been originally Roman colonies. There were two kinds of colonies among the Romans : those sent by the senate; and the military ones, consisting of old soldiers, disabled by the fatigues of war, who were thus provided with lands as the reward of their services. by the senate were either Roman or Latin, i, e. composed either of Roman citizens, or Latins. The coloniæ Latina were such as enjoyed the

The colonies sent

jus Latii; viz. 1. that whoever was edile or prætor in a town of Latium, became for that reason a Roman citizen; and, 2. that the Latins were subject to edicts of their own, and not to those of the Roman magistrates. The coloniæ Romanæ, its full extent; i. e. they had no right of suffrage, were such as had the jus Romanum, but not in putting up for honors, magistracies, command in the armies, &c.; but the jus Quiritium only, or private right; as rights of liberty, sacrifice, marriage, &c. For it was long a rule, never to grant the liberty of the city in full to colonies. There were other colonies, which had little more than the name; only enjoying what they called jus Italicum, i. e. freedom from the taxes paid by the provinces. Such were the colonies of Tyre, Berytus, Heliopolus, Palmyra, &c. M. Vaillant has filled a volume in folio with medals struck by the several colonies, in honor of the emperors who founded them. III. The colonies of commerce are those established in modern times by the English, French, Spaniards, Portuguese,

Dutch, &c.; partly, certainly, for the motives already enumerated, and the peculiar condition of the mother country; but that have been mainly encouraged and protected by their home governments for the extension of trade.

The practice of settling commercial colonies in distant countries has been adopted by the wisest nations of antiquity, who acted systematically upon maxims of sound policy. This appears to have been the case with the ancient Egyptians, the Chinese, the Phoenicians, the commercial states of Greece, the Carthaginians, and even the Romans; for though the colonies of the latter were chiefly military, it could easily be shown that they were likewise made use of for the purposes of trade. The savage nations who ruined the Roman empire, sought nothing but to extirpate and hold in vassalage those whom they overcame; and, therefore, whenever princes enlarged their dominions at the expense of their neighbours, they had recource to strong forts and garrisons to keep the conquered in awe. · Machiavel labors to show, that the settling of colonies would have been a cheaper and better method of bridling conquered countries, than building fortresses in them. John de Witt, who was one of the ablest and best statesmen that ever appeared, strongly recommended colonies; as affording a refuge to such as had been unfortunate in trade; as opening a field for such men to exert their abilities, as through want of interest could not raise themselves in their own country; and as a supplement to hospitals and other charitable foundations, which he thought in time might come to be overcharged. Some, however, have ridiculed the supposed advantages of colonies, and asserted that they must always do mischief by depopulating the mother country. The history of our American colonies undoubtedly shows, that when colonists become numerous and opulent, it is very difficult to retain them in subjection to the parent state. It becomes then a question not easily answered, how far they are entitled to the rights they had as inhabitants of the mother country, or how far they are bound by its laws? Judge Blackstone says, Plantations, or colonies in distant countries, are either such where the lands are claimed by right of occupancy only, by finding them desert and uncultivated, and peopling them from the mother country; or where, when already cultivated, they have either been gained by conquest, or ceded to us by treaties. And both the rights are founded upon the law of nature, or at least on that of nations. But there is a difference between these two species of colonies with respect to the laws by which they are bound. For it has been held, that if an uninhabited country be discovered and planted by English subjects, all the English laws then in being, which are the birthright of every subject, are immediately there in force. But this must be understood with many and very great restrictions. Such colonists carry with them only so much of the English law as is applicable to their own situation, and the condition of an infant colony: such for instance, as the general rules for inheritance, and of protection from personal injuries. The artificial refinements and distinctions incident to the

property of a great and commercial people, the laws of policy and revenues (such especially as are enforced by penalties), the mode of maintenance for the established clergy, the jurisdiction of spiritual courts, and a multitude of other provisions, are neither necessary, nor convenient for them, and therefore are not in force. What shall be admitted, and what rejected, at what times, and under what restrictions, must, in cases of dispute, be decided in the first instance by their own provincial judicature, subject to the revision and control of the king in council; the whole of their constitution being also liable to be new modelled and reformed by the general superintending power of the legislature in the mother country. But in conquered or ceded countries, that have already laws of their own, the king may indeed alter and change those laws; but, till he does actually change them, the ancient laws of their country remain, unless such as are against the law of God, as in an infidel country. Dr. Adam Smith thus argues against what has been called, in modern times, the colonial system.

The European colonies of America have never yet furnished any military force for the defence of the mother country. The military force has never yet been sufficient for their own defence; and in the different wars in which the mother countries have been engaged, the defence of their colonies has generally occasioned a very considerable distraction of the military force of those countries. In this respect, therefore, all the European colonies have, without exception, been a cause rather of weakness than of strength to their respective mother countries.

"The colonies of Spain and Portugal only have contributed any revenue towards the defence of the mother country, or the support of her civil government. The taxes which have been levied upon those of other European nations, upon those of England in particular, have seldom been equal to the expense laid out upon them in time of peace, and never sufficient to defray that which they occasioned in time of war. Such colonies, therefore, have been a source of expense and not of revenue to their respective mother countries.

The advantages of such colonies, to their respective mother countries, consist altogether in those peculiar advantages which are supposed to result from provinces of so very peculiar a nature as the European colonies of America; and the exclusive trade, it is acknowledged, is the sole source of all those peculiar advantages. In consequence of this exclusive trade, all that part of the surplus produce of the English colonies, for example, which consists in what are called enumerated commodities, can be sent to no other country but England. Other countries must afterwards buy it of her. It must be cheaper therefore in England than it can be in any other country, and must contribute more to increase the enjoyments of England than those of any other country. It must likewise contribute more to encourage her industry. For all those parts of her own surplus produce which England exchanges for those enumerated commodities, she must get a better price than any

On the first of the topics here suggested, that the colonies are burdens, on account of the expense of the protection, &c., it has been well remarked 1. That in making up the accounts something must be allowed for the naval force necessary to be kept up in remote parts of the world, even if we had no direct interests in those of this kind. 2. That the colonies themselves, in many instances, contribute materially to their own defence and protection. With Jamaica, Canada, and our East India possessions this is the case: in some instances all the civil and military expense is bonâ fide, met by them; in others, as in many of the West India islands, a duty of 4 per cent. is laid on the commerce of the colony, with this object directly in view. When the charge on the mother country shall be ascertained, making these allowances, what she also draws from them in taxes must be estimated, before the relative advantages or disadvantages to her industry for the possession, can be fairly computed.

In entering upon these more fully, we avail ourselves of an able abstract of the whole question, in a late number of the Quarterly Review. The ties of intercourse between protectors and dependent states, it is suggested, give rise to the formation of multifarious commodities in a European country, to pay for the exotic productions sent into it in return. If these articles equal in the value the expense of the colonies, here is a source of profit and enjoyment, not a burden, created. But on examination of the value of colonial intercourse, compared with that of independent states, it will appear that the exports made to the colonies exclusively originating in their demand, vastly exceed their real expense. Were this demand therefore to cease, so much of the labor of the producers would have to be directed to other objects, or cease also.

To this it may be added, that the very habits and prejudices of a colony, in close intercourse with the mother country, will always cause its thriving classes to imitate her manners, and to introduce the articles of her greatest profit and skill. But could we without the colonies rely on possessing the same extent of production, and consequently power to purchase of them or of other states, still the security and permanence of an intercourse under our control is an important consideration. The certainty of a home trade is acquired. The whole of the produced wealth is the property of natural born subjects. It is not on one side that of foreigners; nor are we exposed to interruptions from caprice or policy, or the occurrence of hostilities between other powers. A foreign state may, by regulations, draw its supplies, even of the staples and manufactures in which this country is confessedly superior, from other sources: and this stability in our relations will repay many sacrifices.

Another object of primary importance, attendant upon a colonial trade, is the employment of seamen. The right to supply and manage a large portion of the conveyance has ever been accounted a source of natural strength and property. Without the possession of colonies it is difficult to say how this can be attained, unless the sources of the produce were independent states, and would forego (what no state possessing

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other countries can get for the like parts of theirs, when they exchange them for the same commodities. The manufactures of England, for example, will purchase a greater quantity of the sugar and tobacco of her own colonies, than the like manufacturers of other countries can purchase of that sugar and tobacco. So far, therefore, as the manufactures of England and those of other countries are both to be exchanged for the sugar and tobacco of the English colonies, this superiority of price gives an encouragement to the former, beyond what the latter can in these circumstances enjoy. The exclusive trade of the colonies, therefore, as it diminishes, or, at least, keeps down below what they would otherwise rise to, both the enjoyments and the industry of the countries which do not possess it; so it gives an evident advantage to the countries which do possess it over those other countries.

This advantage, however, will, perhaps, be found to be rather what may be called a relative than an absolute advantage; and to give a superiority to the country which enjoys it, rather by depressing the industry and produce of other countries, than by raising those of that particular country above what they would naturally rise to in the case of a free trade. The tobacco of Maryland and Virginia, for example, by means of the monopoly which England enjoys of it, certainly comes cheaper to England than it can do to France, to whom England commonly sells a considerable part of it. But had France and all other European countries been, at all times, allowed a free trade to Maryland and Virginia, the tobacco of those colonies might, by this time, have come cheaper than it actually does, not only to all those other countries, but likewise to England. The produce of tobacco, in consequence of a market so much more extensive than any which it has hitherto enjoyed, might, and probably would, by this time, have been so much increased as to reduce the profits of a tobacco plantation to their natural level with those of a corn plantation, which, it is supposed, they are still somewhat above. The price of tobacco might, and probably would, by this time, have fallen somewhat lower than it is at present. An equal quantity of the commodities either of England, or of those other countries, might have purchased in Maryland and Virginia a greater quantity of tobacco than it can do at present, and, consequently, have been sold there for so much a better price. So far as that weed, therefore, can, by its cheapness and abundance, increase the enjoyments or augment the industry either of England or of any other country, it would probably, in the case of a free trade, have produced both these effects in somewhat a greater degree than it can do at present. England, indeed, would not in this case have had any advantage over other countries. She might have bought the tobacco of her colonies somewhat cheaper, and, consequently, have sold some of her own commodities somewhat dearer than she actually does: but she could neither have bought the one cheaper nor sold the other dearer than any other country might have done. She might, perhaps, have gained an absolute, but she would certainly have lost a relative advantage.' VOL. VI.

shipping ever did forego) compensating duties and favor shown to its own vessels.

Dependent possessions, again, scattered over all parts of the world, become secure marts from which commerce can be carried on with every quarter without them, the intercourse with many places, in an imperfectly civilised or often disturbed state, would be precarious and hazardous; and they confer, wherever situated, a local influence, upholding the character and interests of the country. Thus Jamaica and the West India Islands have been the means of our extensive intercourse with South America, amid all the troubles to which that quarter has been subject and in the Mediterranean, Gibraltar and Malta, although not in themselves productive, become beneficial chains of communication with Barbary, and other parts. Our East India possessions, besides the commerce actually held with them, are the means of conducting an intercourse with every shore of the Indian seas.

"The question, in fine,' says the able paper adverted to, is, whether that country is best situated which is secure of a given place where the products of its labor can be exchanged, or that which has to seek throughout the world for permission to exchange them? Whether the colonies are best circumstanced,in seeking all the markets of the continent, or in being sure of the certain great market of this country? Whether it is better on both sides, to be subject to the caprices of nations, as well as the vicissitudes of seasons, or to be dependent only on the latter? Whether to give safety to the exchanges of labor, so far as in us lies, or to commit ourselves to all the chances and windings of other states? Let those who deal with independent countries answer how far their intercourse is secure and stable, and the nature and extent of their vent to be foreseen. Let the traders with Russia speak to the variations, not only arising from seasons but from altered tariffs, which every year brings forth, and tell us, whether at any period, it is possible to

PERIOD.

1716 to 1725 1725 to 1732 Peace.

1733 to 1735 War. 1736 to 1739

Peace. 1740 to 1748

War.

1749 to 1755

Peace.

1756 to 1763

War.

1764 to 1776

Peace.

1777 to 1783

War.

1784 to 1788 Peace.

take measures certain to be adapted to the customhouse regulations of that empire, and their effect upon consumption.'

We are then supplied with the following inter esting facts respecting the colonial system of our neighbours. In 1699 Colbert estimated the number of French vessels engaged in foreign trade at 600. Of these not more than 100 were supposed to be employed in the commerce of the West Indies. At the revolution, France had not more than 1000 vessels engaged in distant voyages, or about 200,000 tons. Far the larger part of this very limited tonnage (compared with the great commerce of France) was owing to her West India colonies; for, from various reasons, her commerce with other parts was carried on in foreign shipping; that with her colonies was wholly her own. The tonnage of her European trade was only 152,000 tons. So entirely did the strength of the French marine appear, at that time, to depend on the colonies, that one of the ministers, M, Arnould, to whom we are indebted for the statements we present, exclaims; 'Quelles ressources a donc la France pour entretenir une force publique maritime? Quels moyens lui restent pour élever, instruire, et multiplier la classe préciuse des matelots? Le commerce de l'Amerique,-ne l'oublions pas, le commerce de l'Amerique.'

"The following table will show the rapid pro gress of the French West India colonies within the last century, and their importance to that country; together with the value of the product re-exported, and of that which was consumed at home. It will be seen that the general export of colonial produce, in the seven years average ending 1733, was 50,630,000 livres. In the five years ending 1788 the average was 93,056,000 livres, being an increase of four-fifths in five years. In 1788 the annual import of sugar into France was about 2,600,000 cwt. She was supposed to export about 1,400,000 cwt.; that is, more than half the quantity imported.

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'France, on the late peace, was no sooner repossessed of colonies than her legislative body proceeded to establish her maritime commerce on a footing the first feature of which is favor to them; in a similar spirit she has granted the highest encouragement to her fisheries: thus a few years have sufficed to re-animate a marine which was nearly extinct, and which might have remained in that listless state, had she permitted those nations already in possession of the navigation of the seas to become her carriers.'

The following statement of the employment of

British North American Colonies British West India Colonies

East Indies

France

United States

Holland

Germany

Russia

Sweden and Norway

our shipping, for which we are indebted to the same source, will exhibit the tonnage clearing outwards to the principal colonial possessions, during the year ending the 5th of January, 1821; and will, likewise, furnish a contrast with the shipping engaged in the intercourse with the more important independent states. It will show, too, how large a portion of our foreign intercourse is carried on by the shipping of other countries; and how considerable a share of our navigation owes its existence to the strict colonial system.

British North American Colonies
British West India Colonies
East Indies

France

Holland

Germany

Russia

United States

The following is a statement of the official value of exports to the colonies at this period, and will show that they take as much British produce as the greater part of Europe; while again the colonial produce imported for re-exportation, forms a large portion of the exports to Europe.

British Tonnage. Foreign Tonnage.

COLOPHON, in ancient geography, a town of Ionia, seated on a promontory on the Ægean Sea, and washed by the Halesus. It was destroyed by Lysimachus, in his war with Antigonus, in order to enlarge Ephesus: but, according to Pausanias, it was rebuilt in the neighbourhood, on a more commodious site. This is one of the cities that laid claim to the honor of giving birth to Homer. Of this town was the poet Antimachus.

300,695

217,744

76,833

80,361

British
Produce.

COLOPHONEM ADDERE, the addition of a preponderating weight, a proverbial saying, explained by Strabo, who says, that the Colophonian horse generally t. med the scales in favor of the side on which they fought.

44,589

53,828

107,601

111,290

15,641

£1,548,181
4,197,975

2,039,507

246,144

1,158,120

5,581,856

1,630,047
4,229,767

COLOPHONY, n. s. Rosin; from Colophon, a city, whence i. came.

50,954

133,516

37,222

19,680

14,995

51,102

Foreign and Colonial.

CUMIS.

£452,852 292,033

382,256

734,677

1,129,555

2,827,114

406,016

71,928

Total.

£2,001,033 4,490,008

2,421,763

980,821

2,287,675

8,408,970

2,036,063

4,301,695

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