are: "I set off this instant, to pass the Po, and I march upon Rome." This error of Sir Walter, if not corrected, would disturb all the succeeding dates of the expedition.

But the next passage which requires notice, is more characteristic of this admirable novelist and detestable historian. Referring to the generosity of Napoleon to Wurmser, he observes, on the same page: "This trait of generosity towards a gallant but unfortunate enemy, was highly honourable to Bonaparte. The taste which dictated the stage effect of the cloak may be, indeed, questioned." It required the exuberant fancy of a pregnant novelist, to see a theatrical trick in the ordinary circumstance of an officer wearing his cloak, during a journey in the dead of winter, and while within a day's ride of the snow covered Alps. Instead of seeking for stage effect Napoleon seems to have been willing to avoid the delay of a long and fruitless palaver with the Austrian Aide-de-Camp ; and anxious to let him know, before proceeding on a distant expedition, the best terms which Wurmser might expect. The trick of muffling himself up in his cloak, like a secondrate actor, never occurred, we may safely affirm, to the imagination of the General, while it was probably familiar to the memory of the author of Waverley, who, in one of his divinest publications, employs it, though with less than his usual dexterity and grace. "Lord Evendale rode in the rear of the party with Major Bellenden, and seemed to abandon the charge of immediate attendance upon his lovely niece to one of the insurgent cavaliers, whose dark military cloak, large flapped hat and feather, which drooped down over his face, concealed at once his figure and his features." In this slouching masquerade, Henry Morton carries on a dialogue of several pages with the beautiful Edith Bellenden, in which these lovers talk to and at each other through several pages, affecting all the while by their manner to be strangers. "The stage effect of the cloak," sir Walter had a perfect right to assign to the hero of “ Old Mortality," even in the midst of summer; but the lovers of truth and taste, must equally protest against his transferring the stale trick to the generous conqueror of Wurmser.

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(4) Respecting this act of unparalleled generosity and self denial, sir Walter Scott expresses himself in the following singular and significant manner (v. ii, p. 261). "This self denial did Napoleon as much credit nearly as his victory, and must not be omitted in a narrative, which, often called to stigmalize his ambition and its consequences, should not be the less ready to observe marks of dignified and honourable feeling. The history of this remarkable man more frequently reminds us of the romantic and improbable victories imputed to the heroes of the romantic ages, than to the spirit of chivalry which contributed to them; but in this instance, Napoleon's conduct to Wurmser may be justly compared to that of the Black Prince to his royal prisoner, King John of France."'

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Here appears to be a formal apology, on the part of sir Walter Scott, not omitting in his narrative, all mention of this instance of Napoleon's mag nanimity. Would a biographer of the Black Prince think of apologisin for the mention of his generous treatment of King John? Hume, the country man of Sir Walter, certainly offers no such apology in his history; nor doe Polybius excuse himself for relating instances of the moderation and conti nence of Scipio. But it may be asked, to whom is this apology offered Not to the mass of his readers certainly; for he could not suppose that the people of Great Britain, or of any other country, would be unwilling to con template an act of magnanimity, by whomsoever performed. Let this ques tion be answered as it may, sir Walter not only pleads forgiveness, but endeavours to deserve it, from the tribunal to which he deemed himself answerable, by following up this admission in favour of his hero, with an instant effort to counteract its effect. Alleging that this creditable fact could not be omitted in his narrative, he adds "which called to stigmatize bis ambition and its consequences, etc." Now, up to this point of his narrative, neither Napoleon's ambition nor its consequences have been stigmatized. So that his real meaning may be fairly interpreted in these words: "I could not have the face to suppress the mention of this generous conduct of Na poleon. It was a fact too well known and too interesting to be omitted a misrepresented; but I have taken care to obscure its lustre by directing against him vague, violent, and prospective imputations of mischievous and execrable ambition; and by intimating that the fact in question is an instance of rare and accidental generosity in the history of this remarkable man."

By his distant reference to an event in the fourteenth century, it would appear that he fairly despaired of finding any thing like a parallel to the conduct of Napoleon, in the recent annals of English princes; while he seems to forget that King John was conveyed to London, there detained a prisoner several years, and not released until he had subscribed a dishonourable peace; and that the personal courtesies which he received from his conqueror were extended to him, more in his character of monarch than of captive (Hume, Edward the 3d, chap. 16). Napoleon, on the contrary, although it was the desire of his government that he should treat Wurmser with uncommon severity; and though, by the confession of General Klenan, he had it in his power to compel him in three or four days to surrender unconditionally, vindicated his character, justified his conduct, asserted his claims, and alleviated his misfortunes.

The letter of the directory, enclosing a decree against Wurmser, as a French emigrant, and authorizing Napoleon to enforce it, may be found in the 2d vol. of the Corr, inéd. (p. 53). His refusal to comply with it, is communicated in his despatch of the 3d of February 1798, published in the Moniteur of the 13th.

(5) This letter to Cardinal Mattei, appears to be dated 22d January, 1797, and is published in the Moniteur of the 22d February.

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(6) The proclamation, dated “ Bologna, January 31, 1797,” and the manifesto, dated the next day, are published in the Moniteur of the 17th February. The time of Victor's march to Imola is ascertained by reference to Napoleon's letter to the directory of the 1st February. (Corr. inéd. t. ii, p. 439.) "I have caused Victor's division to march this morning for Imola, the first town in the States of the Pope."

(7) Norvins (t. i, p. 240) mentions this suggestion of Napoleon, and contrasts it with his assertion in his Memoirs, that the directory wished to put an end to the temporal sovereignty of the Pope; implying, that he urged, as a reproach against his government, a design which he himself entertained and proposed. But the desire of the directory to overthrow the temporal dominion of the Pope, was originally conceived by them, was long cherished, and was repeatedly expressed in their despatches; while this proposition of Napoleon was suddenly provoked by the intercepted despatches, irritating proclamations, and hostile conduct of the Court of Rome, was but once men. tioned, and was voluntarily and immediately abandoned by its author.

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(8) Napoleon's moral perceptions in war, were as clear and penetrating as his military glances. The distinction which he drew on this occasion, between the conduct of the Pavians and of the people of Faenza, and in favour of the latter, although it did not occur to his troops, appears to be perfectly just. In his notes upon Cæsar's Commentaries, published by Marchand (Précis etc. p. 52), he censures the Roman conqueror, for disregarding this noble distinction between justice and cruelty, in putting to death the senators of Vannes. "It is impossible not to execrate the conduct of Cæsar towards the senators ot Vannes. The people of Vannes had not revolted. They had furnished hostages, aud promised to live in quiet. But they were in possession of all their liberty and rights. Doubtless, they had given Cæsar cause to make war on them, but not to violate the law of nations in relation to them, and to abuse his victory in a manner so atrocious."

(9) "The laws of war would have authorised me in delivering up this unfortunate city to pillage; but how could I make up my mind to punish with such severity a whole city, for the fault of a few priests?" Report of Napoleon to the directory, dated the 4th February.-Moniteur of the 13th, 1797.

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(10) The report above cited, the Memoirs of Napoleon (Montholon, t. iv., p. 9), and Jomini, (Traité des Grandes Opérations, t. viii., p. 569).

(11) Memoirs of Napoleon (Montholon, t, iv. p. 11), confirmed by notice

from Faenza, Jinigaglia, Ravenna, Jesaro, and Ancona, published in the Moniteur of the 19th March, 1797.

PAGE 479.

(12) These statements respecting Ancona, found in Napoleon's Memoirs, (Montholon, t. iv. p. 12), are confirmed by his despatch to the directory of the 15th February, 1797. (Corr. inéd. t. ii, p. 540.)

(13) See the return of ordnance and military stores taken at Ancona, signed by General Dommartin, and published in the Moniteur of the 28th February, 1797.

(14) Letter of Messrs. Tinet and Monge to the directory, dated the 14th February, and inserted in the Moniteur of the 28th.

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(15) This letter may be referred to in the Corr. inéd. (t. ii, p. 539). It is addressed For our dear son, General Bonaparte," who had a fortnight before been represented, on the word of his Holiness, as worse than the leaders of the Goths and Vandals.

(16) See Memoirs of Napoleon (Montholon, t. iv, p. 14), the proclamation of the same, and the decree of the directory confirming it, published in the Moniteur of the 20th February, 1797. Also the despatch of Napoleon. (Corr. inéd. t. ii, p. 541.)

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(17) From this observation it might seem that the acquisition of St. Pierre, recommended by Napoleon to the directory in his letter of the 29th April (See note ante ch. 7), was regarded solely as a means of facilitating the wish or design of the French government to obtain the mastery of the Mediterranean. But in that case, as the wish was never concealed, his language would have been more explicit. Besides, in reference to the object in view, he would never have thought St. Pierre more valuable than Sardinia and Corsica both together; the latter island containing, as he himself states (Montholon, t. iv, p. 62), “the three great roads of St. Florent, Ajaccio, and Porto Vecchio, capable of containing the largest fleets."

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(18) In a communication from Rome, of the 4th March 1797, published in the Moniteur of the 2nd of April, the following observations occur: "The most singular spectacle which has been exhibited at Rome for a long time, is afforded by the Generals Victor and Lannes, visiting the wonders of the arts, escorted by their hussars and dragoons. The people could not satiate themselves with gazing at these troops. They admired their warlike appearance, and still more their humane and polished manners. They expected to see a species of savages like the pandours, after the description that had been given of the French. They confessed they were deceived."

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(19) See the address of Monge, and the answer of the magistrates of San Marino, in the Moniteur of the 6th March 1797.

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(20) In a letter of the 18th February, to the directory, Napoleon says: "I informed you in my last despatch, that the twelve regiments you have sent me, make only nineteen thousand men. The minister of war has just written to General Kellermann, to keep with him two thousand of them, and to send back a regiment of cavalry to the army of the Rhine. Thus the thirty thousand men you announced to me are reduced to seventeen thousand; a beautiful reinforcement for the army of Italy!" From this it In his Mewould appear that the regiment of cavalry was not sent back. moirs (Montholon, t. iv, p. 29), the aggregate of these reinforcements is stated at nineteen thousand, without reference to the two thousand detained by Kellermann.

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(21) In speaking of the captors of Mantua, Sir Walter Scott utters, among other bold puerilities, this that follows:-" Their cupidity was evinced by their artists exercising their ingenuity, in devising means to cut from the wall and carry off the fresco paintings by Titian, of the wars between the Gods and the Giants, at all risks of destroying what could never be replaced. Luckily the attempt was found totally unadvisable." (v. iii. p. 262.)

If the desire of the French to devise means of removing these frescos was a proof of their cupidity, their refraining from the attempt, because it was found unadvisable, is a proof that their cupidity was restrained by an enlightened forbearance. In imputing their liberal desire to cupidity, the author of Waverley is both absurd and unjust, for besides that, Mantua was, as he admits, the citadel of Italy, and exposed, of course, to frequent bombardments; from the low and watery situation of the place, these frescos were liable to premature destruction. Beckford, who visited Mantua sixteen years prior to this siege, observed of the paintings in the Ducal palaces; -"being painted in fresco, upon damp neglected walls, each year diminishes their numbers, and every winter moulders some beautiful figure away." (Beckford's Italy, letter 9th.) The truth is, the French artists, sneered at by the great novelist, wished to preserve, not to destroy, these famous Frescos. Unluckily for the sincere lovers of the Fine Arts, their laudable wish could not be gratified, and these master-pieces of Titian's rich and glowing touch, are now probably faded away among the things that have been.

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(22) The letter to Lieutenant Colonel Duvivier is too well expressed to be omitted altogether.