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demnatory of the opinions of the bigoted supporters of arbitrary power, and the furious partisans of the rights of the people. The many violations of the constitution by Charles I. (whether he understood them to be such or not is nothing to the purpose) unquestionably justified that resistance on the part of the people, which at length produced its effect in obtaining such concessions from the sovereign as afforded the utmost possible liberty to the subject, consistent with the idea of a limited monarchy. But, from the moment that end was attained, resistance ceased to be lawful. It could have nothing else for its object than the destruction of the constitution. In the case of Charles, the sovereign, taught by severe experience that the people had rights which, when arbitrarily infringed, they had strength to vindicate, at length not only gave them back their own, but yielded so much of his lawful and constitutional authority as to leave himself little more than the name and shadow of royalty. To insist on a further abasement was illegal and inhuman; to push revenge the length of a capital punishment, was a degree of criminality for which there is not an adequate term of blame.


Such are the reflections which would naturally arise on this subject in an impartial breast, upon the supposition that Charles I. had been brought to trial and condemned to death by the authority of the people of England, or a fair representation of them in parliaBut let it not be forgotten who were those that took upon them to act in the name of the people of England, and what was the nature of that parliament which authorized his trial and condemnation-a handful of fanatics, who, after expelling two hundred of the members of parliament, the people's lawful representatives, annulling a vote of the house which agreed to the king's concessions, passing another vote which declared the house of Peers a useless branch of the constitution, assumed to themselves the whole legislative and executive authority of government. The

perversion of that man's understanding must be deplorable indeed, who, professing himself an advocate for the rights of mankind, holds these to be laudable exertions of virtue and of patriotism.


COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND, REIGNS OF CHARLES II. AND JAMES II. :-Charles II. acknowledged King in Scotland and Ireland-Marquis of Montrose-Cromwell defeats the Scots at Dunbar-Battle of Worcester-Navigation ActCromwell dissolves the Parliament by violence, and puts an end to the Republic-Barebones Parliament-Cromwell named Lord Protector-His successful AdministrationDeath-Richard his son resigns the Protectorate-the Rump Parliament-Disunion in the Council of OfficersGeneral Monk-Charles II. proclaimed-Profuse and voluptuous Reign-War_with Holland and France-Plague and Fire of London-Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle-Alarms of Popery Titus Oates-Bill excluding the Duke of York from the Crown-Habeas Corpus Act-Distinction of Whig and Tory first used--Conspiracy of Russell, Sidney, and Monmouth-Death of Charles-James II.-Monmouth beheaded-Violent measures of James excite the disgust of all Parties-William, Prince of Orange-James escapes to the Continent-Crown settled on the Prince and Princess of Orange-Declaration fixing the Constitution.

THAT select assembly of sixty or seventy fanatical Independents, which styled itself a parliament, having passed a vote which abolished the House of Peers as a useless part of the constitution, began to think of framing some rules and forms for the administration of the government; and the more disinterested friends to liberty were soothed for some time with their favourite system, a republic. The Scots, however, of whom the great majority had yet an attachment to monarchy, and who had sufficient reason for being

disgusted at the conduct of the Independents to the English Presbyterians, determined to acknowledge the son of the late monarch for their lawful sovereign, and with the consent of parliament they proclaimed Charles II. king; but on the express condition of his subscribing the Solemn League and Covenant. Ireland recognised him without any conditions.

The Scots, while they were thus inviting Charles to take possession of one of his paternal kingdoms, gave an example of that cruel and detestable fanatic spirit, which to their shame they seem to have possessed at this time above every other nation. James Graham, marquis of Montrose, a man whose heroism and singular endowments of mind would have rendered him an honour to any age or nation, had, in the latter years of the late monarch, distinguished himself in many successful attempts, both in Scotland and in England, in favour of the royal cause. After the king's captivity, when the war was at end, he had, at his sovereign's command, laid down his arms and retired into France. Upon the king's death, with the aid of some foreign troops, he landed in the north of Scotland, with the purpose of reducing the party of the Convenanters, and establishing the authority of Charles II. upon a constitutional basis, independent of those servíle conditions which that party was desirous of imposing on him. He expected to be joined by a large body of the Highlanders, but he found the whole country fatigued with the recent disorders, and much indisposed to renew hostilities. In the meantime, he was suddenly attacked by a large body of the Convenanters, and taken by surprise with an inferior force, he was defeated and made prisoner. His fate was attended with every circumstance of insolence and cruelty, which distinguishes revenge in the meanest souls. He died upon a gibbet, and his limbs were distributed through the principal cities of the kingdom. This was he whom one of the most penetrating judges of character (the cardinal de Retz, who inti

mately knew him) declares to have been one of those heroes of whom there are no longer any remains in the world, and who are only to be met with in the narratives of ancient history.


Meantime, Charles, who had no other resource, be took himself to Scotland, and was obliged, however unwillingly, to accede to every condition that was proposed to him. Fairfax, general of the parliament, had resigned all command of the army, and Cromwell, who was now commander-in-chief, after a successful expedition into Ireland to quell the party of the royalists in that country, marched with sixteen thousand men into Scotland, against his old friends and allies the Covenanters, who, now that Charles had subscribed to their terms, had become his firm adherents. They were much superior to Cromwell's army in number of their troops, but were as much inferior in point of discipline. They were defeated at Dunbar in a decisive engagement; and Charles, soon after retreating into England in hopes to unite the royalists in that country in his favour, Cromwell immediately followed, and attacking the royal army at Worcester, then extremely inconsiderable in their numbers, cut them entirely to pieces. Charles fled in disguise through the western counties of England, continually pursued, encountering for above forty days a most romantic series of dangers and difficulties, and often relying for safety on the meanest peasants, whose fidelity he found unshaken, notwithstanding the immense rewards which were offered for his discovery. At length he found a vessel which conveyed him to the coast of France.

Cromwell, in the meantime, returned in triumph to London. The republican parliament began now to make their government truly respectable, by the greatness of those designs which they formed, and the vigour with which they pursued them. A scheme was proposed to the states of Holland upon the death of the Stadtholder William II., for a union and coa

lition between the two republics. It was not relished by the Dutch, who were better pleased to maintain their own independence; and the parliament of England, piqued at their refusal, immediately declared war against them. The navigation act was passed, which prohibited all foreigners from importing into England in their ships any commodity which was not the growth or manufacture of their own country; an act which struck heavily against the Dutch, because their country produces few commodities; and their commerce consists chiefly in being the factors of other nations. This statute was in another way beneficial to the English, by obliging them to cultivate maritime commerce, from which they have derived the greatest part of their national wealth. In this war, which was most ably maintained on both sides-under Blake, the English admiral, and Van Tromp and de Ruyter, admirals of the Hollanders-the English, on the whole, had a clear superiority; the Dutch were cut off entirely from the commerce of the Channel; their fisheries were totally suspended, and above sixteen hundred of their ships fell into the hands of the English.

The parliament, glorying in these successes, which were so much to the honour of the republic, began to find themselves independent of Cromwell and the army, and determined on a reduction of the land forces, which, while they found themselves so powerful at sea, were only an unnecessary burden upon the nation. This measure, which would have been fatal to the ambition of Cromwell, was prevented by him in a most extraordinary manner. Many circumstances had of late been observed, which discovered the selfish aims of this ambitious man; yet so great was his influence with the army, that he readily found agents to co-operate with him in every scheme which he proposed.

Calling a council of his officers, a remonstrance was framed, to be presented to the parliament, reminding them that it was averse to the spirit of a democracy

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