I CHAPTER VI. RELIGION (continued). HAVE already observed that any rational classifica tion of religions should be founded, not so much on the nature of the object worshipped, as on the conception formed of the nature of the Deity. In support of this view I will now quote some illustrations to show how widely distributed is the worship of various material objects, and how much they are interwoven with one another. How ready savages are to deify objects, both animate and inanimate, is well shown in the following story from Lander's Niger Expedition.' In most African towns and villages, says Lander,1 'I was treated as a demigod.' He mentions that on one occasion, having landed at a village which white men had never visited before, his party caused great astonishment and terror. When at length they succeeded in establishing a communication with the natives, the chief of the village gave the following account of what had taken place. A few minutes,' he said, ' after 'you first landed, one of my people came to me and 'said, that a number of strange people had arrived at เ 1 R. and J. Lander's Niger Expedition, vol. iii. p. 198. 'the market-place. I sent him back again to get as near 'to you as he could, to hear what you intended doing. 'He soon after returned to me and said that you spoke 'a language which he could not understand. Not doubting it was your intention to attack my village at night and carry off my people, I desired them to get 'ready to fight. But when you came to เ 'meet us unarmed, and we saw your white faces, we were all so frightened that we could not pull our bows, nor move hand or foot; and when you drew 'near me, and extended your hands towards me, I felt my heart faint within me, and believed that you were ""children of Heaven," and had dropped from the ! skies.' The worship of animals is very prevalent among races of men in a somewhat higher stage of civilisation than that characterised by Fetichism.1 Plutarch, long ago, suggested that it arose from the custom of representing animals upon standards; and it is possible that some few cases may be due to this cause, though it is manifestly inapplicable to the majority, because, in the scale of human development, animal-worship much precedes the use of standards, which, for instance, do not appear to have been used in the Trojan war." Diodorus explains it by the myth that the gods, being at one time hard pressed by the giants, concealed themselves for a while under the form of animals, which in consequence became sacred, and were worshipped by men. Another ancient suggestion was that the Egyptian 1 Since the last edition of this book, Mr. McLennan has published a series of excellent papers on Animal-Worship, in the Fortnightly 2 Goguet, loc. cit., vol. ii. p. 364.' ORIGIN OF ANIMAL-WORSHIP. 253 chiefs wore helmets in the form of animals' heads, and that hence these animals were worshipped. This theory, however, will not apply generally, because the other races which worship animals do not use such helmets," and even in Egypt there can be little doubt that the worship of animals preceded the use of helmets. Plutarch, as already mentioned, supposed that the crocodile was worshipped because, having no tongue, it was a type of the Deity, who makes laws for nature by his mere will! This far-fetched explanation shows an entire misconception of savage nature. The worship of animals is, however, susceptible of a very simple explanation, and perhaps, as I have ventured to suggest,1 may have originated from the practice of naming, first individuals, and then their families, after particular animals. A family, for instance, which was called after the bear, would come to look on that animal first with interest, then with respect, and at length with a sort of awe. The habit of calling children after some animal or plant is very common, which amongst the lowest races might naturally be expected from the poverty of their language. The Issinese of Guinea named their children after some beast, tree, or fruit, according to 'their fancy. Sometimes they call it after their fetich or some white, who is a Mingo; that is, friend to them.'2 เ The Hottentots also generally named their children after some animal. In Congo 'some form of food 'is forbidden to everyone: in some it is a fish, in others 1 Prehistoric Times, 1869, p. 598. Astley's Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 436. 3 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 357. 254 THE KOBONG. THE TOTEM. 'a bird, and so on. This is not, however, expressly 'stated to be connected with the totem.' In Southern Africa the Bechuanas are subdivided into men of the crocodile, men of the fish, of the monkey, of the buffalo, of the elephant, porcupine, lion, vine, and so on. No one dares to eat the flesh or wear the skin of the animal to the tribe of which he belongs; and although in this case the totems are not worshipped,1 each tribe has a superstitious dread of the animal after which it is named. In China also the name is frequently that of a 'flower, animal, or such-like thing.'2 In Australia we seem to find the totem, or, as it is there called, kobong, almost in the very moment of deification. Each family, says Sir G. Grey, 'adopts some animal or vegetable, 'as their crest or sign, or kobong, as they call it. I 'imagine it more likely that these have been named 'after the families, than that the families have been 'named after them.' This, however, does not seem to me at all probable. 'A certain mysterious connection exists between 'the family and its kobong, so that a member of the 'family will never kill an animal of the species to which 'his kobong belongs, should he find it asleep; indeed, 'he always kills it reluctantly, and never without afford'ing it a chance of escape. This arises from the family 'belief, that some one individual of the species is their 'nearest friend, to kill whom would be a great crime, 1 The Basutos, Rev. E. Casalis, p. 211. Livingstone's Travels in S. Africa, p. 13. 2 Astley's Collection of Voyages, vol. iv. p. 91. 3 Two Expeditions in Australia, vol. ii. p. 228. TOTEMISM IN AMERICA. 255 ' and to be carefully avoided. Similarly a native who 'has a vegetable for his kobong, may not gather it ' under certain circumstances, and at a particular period ' of the year.' Here we see a certain feeling for the kobong or totem, though it does not amount to worship, and is apparently confined to certain districts. In America, on the other hand, it has developed into a veritable religion. The totem of the Redskins, says Schoolcraft,2 is a symbol of the name of the progenitor-generally some 'quadruped, or bird, or other object in the animal kingdom, which stands, if we may so express it, as 'the surname of the family. It is always some animated 'object, and seldom or never derived from the inani'mate class of nature. Its significant importance is ' derived from the fact that individuals unhesitatingly By whatever names they 'trace their lineage from it. may be called during their lifetime, it is the totem, ' and not their personal name, that is recorded on the tcmb, or adjedatig, that makes the place of burial. 'Families are thus traced when expanded into bands or 'tribes, the multiplication of which, in North America, ' has been very great, and has increased, in like ratio, 'the labours of the ethnologist. The turtle, the bear, ' and the wolf appear to have been primary and honoured 'totems in most of the tribes, and bear a significant ' rank to the traditions of the Iroquois and Lenapis, or ' Delawares; and they are believed to have more or less prominency in the genealogies of all the tribes who See Eyre, vol. ii. p. 328. vol. ii. p. 49. See also Lafitau, vol. i. pp. 464, 467. |