in 1798 took place on the 23d of May. On that day the United Irishmen rose. I ask you, now, whether the government had any share in that rising or creating that rebellion.

THE RISING OF '98.

As early as 1797 the country was beginning to be disturbed, according to Mr. Froude, and we find, during the first three months of January, February and March in '97, Lord Moira giving his testimony as to the action of the English government. My lords," he says, in the House of Lords, "I have seen in Ireland the most absurd, as well as the most disgusting tyranny that any nation ever groaned under. I have been myself a witness to it in many instances; I have seen it practised unchecked, and the effects that have resulted from it have been such as I have stated to your lordships: I have seen in that country a marked distinction between the English and the Irish; I have seen troops that have been sent there full of this prejudice that every inhabitant of that kingdom is a rebel to the British government; troops were sent into Ireland under these instructions--that every man you meet is a rebel. I have seen the most wanton insults practiced upon men of all ranks and condition." They sent their thousands into Ireland in preparation for the rebellion; they had, between Welch, and Scotch and Hessian regiments, and between English and Irish militia, an army of one hundred and thirty thousand men prepared for the work, and thus, I say, they goaded the people on to rebellion. The rack, indeed, was not at hand, but the punishment of picketing was in practice, which had been for some years abolished as 'too unhuman even for the treatment of servants. Lord Moira goes on to say: "That he had known of a man who, in order to extort confession of a crime from him, was picketed until he actually fainted" (picketing meant putting them on the point of a stake upon one foot); "and picketed a second time until he fainted and again, as soon as he came to himself, picketed the third time until he fainted, and this on mere suspicion." Not only was this punishment used, but every species of torture; men were taken and hung up until they were half-dead, then threatened with repetition of the cruel treatment unless they

made confession of imputed guilt. They sent the soldiers into the country, and they quartered at what was called free quarters; "the English yeomanry and the Orange yeomanry lived upon the people; they violated the women, they killed the aged; they plundered the houses; they set fire to the villages; they exercised every form of torture the most terrible, did this dastardly soldiery.

IRELAND GOADED INTO REBELLION.

Then

All this took place before a single rising in Ireland-before the rebellion in '98 sprung up at all. We have a brave and gallant man sent to Ireland at that time, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, and he declares he was so frightened and disgusted at the conduct of the soldiers that he refused to keep the command of the forces in Ireland any longer. He issued a general order in February, '98 the rebellion did not begin until May-in these words: "The disgraceful frequency of great cruelties and crimes, and the many complaints of troops in this kingdom, unfortunately prove the army to be in a state of licentiousness, and renders it formidable to every one, except the enemy." he threw it up in disgust. General Lake was sent to command in Ireland. He says: The state of the country and its occupation previous to the insurrection is not to be imagined, except by those who witnessed the atrocities of every description committed by the military and the Orangemen that were let loose upon the defenseless population." Then he gives a long list of terrible hangings, burnings and murderings. We read that at Dunlaven, in the County Wicklow, previous to the rising. thirty-four men were shot without any trial," but it is useless to enumerate or continue the list of cruelties perpetrated. It will suffice to say that, when the military were placed on "free quarters," that all kinds of crime were committed; but the people were no worse off than those living where no soldiers were quartered, for in the latter places the inhabitants were called to their doors and slain without ceremony, and every house plundered or burned." Nay, more! We have Mr. Emmett, in his examination, giving his evidence, and declaring "that it was the fault of the Government, this rebellion of '98."

The Lord Chancellor put the following question to Mr. Emmett: "Remember, Mr. Emmett " this was in August '98-" what caused the late insurrection.” To which Mr. Emmett replied: "Free quarters, house burnings, tortures, and all the military executions in the counties of Kildare, Carlow and Wicklow." Before the insurrection broke out, numbers of houses, with their furniture, were burned in which concealed arms had been found; numbers of people were scourged, picketed, and otherwise put to death, daily, to force confession of concealed crime or faults; outrageous acts of severity were often committed by persons not in the regular troops. But we have the evidence of the brave Sir John More, the hero of Corunna. He was in Ireland at the time in military command, and he bears this testimony. Speaking of Wicklow, the very hot-bed of the insurrection, he says: "That moderate treatment by the Generals of the people, and the preventing of the troops from pillaging and molesting them, would certainly soon restore tranquility; the latter would soon be quiet if the revengeful yeomanry would behave with tolerable decency, and not seek to gratify their revenge upon the poor."

We have Lord William Napier, an Irishman, but a brave English soldier, saying: "Oh! what manner of soldiers were these fellows who were let loose upon the wretched districts in which the Ascendancy was placed, killing and confiscating every man's life and property; and, to use the venerable Abercombie's words, they were formidable to every body but the enemy.' We, ourselves, were young at the time, yet being connected with the army, we were continually among the soldiers, listening with boyish eagerness to their experience, and we well remember, with horror, to this day, the tales of lust, of bloodshed and of pillage; the recital of their actions against the miserable peasantry which they used to relate."

THE INFAMY OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.

I ask you, after all this, who was accountable for the goading of the people into rebellion, if not the infamous government which. at that time, ruled and disgraced all Ireland? I ask you. are the Irish people accountable, for, from the time the

myrmidons of England had been let loose upon them, ravaging like demons, violating every instinct of Irish love of land, of Irish purity, of Irish faith? Is it not a terrible thing that after all these provocations which they deliberately put before the people, in order to goad them into the rebellion of '98, and so prepare the way for that union which followed, that Mr. Froude says several hot-headed priests put themselves at the head of their people. There was a Father John Murphy in the County of Wexford, who came home from his duties, one day, to find his house burned, his chapel destroyed, and to find the houses of the poor people sacked and burned around them, to find his unfortunate parishioners huddled about the blackened walls of the chapel, crying: "What are we to do? Where are we to flee from this persecution that has come upon us?" What wonder if Father John Murphy got the pikes, put them in their hands, and put himself at their head?

WHAT IRELAND WILL BE.

My friends, I have endeavored to give you some portions of the Irish side of the story, resting and basing my testimony upon the records of Protestant, and English writers, and upon the testimony which I have been so proud to put before you, of noble, generous American people. I have to apologize for the dryness of the subject or the imperfect manner in which I have treated it, and also for the unconscionable length of time in which I have tried your patience. On next Monday evening we shall be approaching ticklish ground, "Ireland since the union, Ire. land to-day, and Ireland as my heart and brain tells me she will be in some future day."

FIFTH LECTURE.

LA

ADIES AND GENTLEMEN.-This day a paragraph came under my notice in a New York paper, which caused me much pain and anguish of mind, for it recorded an act of discourtesy shown to Mr. Froude, my learned antagonist, by Irishmen in Boston. In the name of the Irishmen of America, I tender to the learned gentleman my best apologies, and I beg to assure him, on the part of my Irish countrymen in this land, that we have no inclination to treat him otherwise than with that courtesy and hospitality which Ireland has never refused, even to her enemies. Mr. Froude has not come among us as an enemy of Ireland. He professes that he loves the Irish people, and I am willing to believe him, and when I read, in the report of his last lecture, to which I am about to reply to-night, that he said he yielded to no one in his love for the Irish people, I feel inclined to repeat to him what the great O'Connell said to Lord Derby, when the noble Lord said, in the House of Lords, that he would yield to no one in his love for Ireland. The great Tribune replied: "Any man who loves Ireland can not be my enemy. Let us shake hands!" I am sure, therefore, that I speak the sentiments of every true Irishman when I assure this gentleman that he will receive, in this land, at the hands of the Irish citizens of America, nothing but the same courtesy, the same polite hospitality and attention that he boasts of having received from her people in their native land. I beg to assure him that we Irishmen inj America know well that

IT IS NOT BY DISCOURTESY

or any thing approaching to rudeness or violence, that the Irish citizens of America can expect to make their appeal to this great nation. If ever the reign of intellect and of mind has been practically established in this world, it is in glorious America. Every man who speaks the truth, and preaches the truth, whether it be religious truth or historical truth, will find appreciation in America; and I hope I may never find an Irishman offering discourtesy or violence to any man for speaking what he believes or imagines to be truth.

I have said so much in reference to the newspaper paragraph to which my attention was called, and I now come to the last of Mr. Froude's lectures, and the last of my own. The learned gentleman, in his fourth lecture, told the American people his view of the movement of 1772, and of the subsequent Irish rebellion of 1798. According to Mr. Froude, the Irish made a great mistake in 1782, by asserting the independence of the Irish Parliament.