In examining the foregoing list of names, the reader will observe that nearly all the men are found among the active friends of temperance; while not one of our tried and true co-laborers are found among the witnesses for the Petitioners.

Rev. A. A. Miner, D. D., made the following Argument, which was delivered extempore, or from a brief, in the Representatives' Hall, Tuesday, April 2, 1867. The galleries on the occasion were crowded long before the time assigned for the hearing, and many were unable to gain admittance. The body of the House was reserved for the members. The Argument has been revised from the phonographic report published in the "Boston Journal" the next morning.

Dr. Miner commenced his Argument a few minutes before ten o'clock, and concluded it at twenty minutes past one, having spoken three and a half hours.

ARGUMENT.

Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee:

As I rise to review somewhat the grave matters that have for so long a period been under consideration, I am oppressed with the magnitude of the interests involved. Perhaps there is no question at present agitating the civilized world really involving graver issues, and, to a broader extent, individual and social welfare, than the controversy which is here going forward. The eyes of all the citizens of our Commonwealth, of the several Commonwealths of New England, and, indeed, of our entire country, are upon you, gentlemen of the Committee, at this moment, and upon the Legislature of Massachusetts. I make no apology in coming here as an humble, private citizen, from the midst of many professional cares, in response to the wishes of some of the friends of the existing law, and in entire accordance with my own convictions, maintained for twenty-five years, to add

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something more, if I may, to those efforts which for so long a period I have been endeavoring to put forth in aid of sobriety and good order in these Christian communities. I think I may claim that I represent here, so far as I am entitled to represent anybody, those who have no private interest in this question. I think I may honestly and fairly claim to represent in these endeavors the moral and Christian sentiments, in the main, of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. If it is best that the barriers to indulgence in intoxicating liquors should be cast down, it is best for you, Mr. Chairman, and it is best for me. If the welfare of this community requires free sale and free indulgence, or, if possible to secure it, a restricted sale of liquors as beverages, and measurably restricted use, still continuing them as beverages, then my welfare, your welfare, probably, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Committee, also require it. But if your welfare, gentlemen, and the welfare of the friends of total abstinence in this Commonwealth, demand total abstinence from intoxicating beverages, leaving an open door to the medicinal use of alcoholic preparations, and if the same welfare demands the prohibition of their sale as beverages, the welfare of the Commonwealth as a whole, the welfare of

the citizens of the State generally, husbands and wives, parents and children, friends and neighbors, demands the same thing. I would emphatically allege that standing here, without hope of reward other than that which comes of doing good, without other inducement from any quarter under heaven than that suggested by our own moral and conscientious judgments, we have a right to claim to speak as disinterestedly as men with fixed convictions can speak.

Now, gentlemen, while I would urge nothing against any man or class of men, I would call your attention to the attitude of the parties who represent here the license question. I would especially ask you to observe, that while on the petitions for a license law there are undoubtedly the names of some total abstainers, some strict temperance men, some others who believe themselves to be temperance men, who are not total abstainers, and some who are well-wishers to the community, in everything that regards what they deem the excessive use of intoxicating liquors, there are also embraced in this enterprise classes of men whom we cannot suppose to be equally free from those motives and influences, however unconsciously they may operate, that corrupt human judgment