threat at once opened Bumble's eyes. OI beg your pardon, my Lord!' (winking): 'this way, Marm,' and he deposited Mrs. A. in the churchwardens' luxurious empty pew under the pulpit.

6

He abounded in riddles and playful jests. One sees him at his own table turning sharp round to the late excellent Archdeacon of Oxford, My dear Clerke, tell me why an Archdeacon's apron is like unwholesome food?' The dear old man replied, thoughtfully, that he did not know. Because it goes against his stomach. Clerke remarked, gravely, that he might as well have said a Bishop's apron. 'Nothing of the sort, my dear Clerke. O dear no! nothing of the sort!'-A lady asked him whom he considered the two best preachers in England. 'Something which holds your dress together,' was the ready answer. (Of course, he meant hook-and-eye.)-Another asked him, with a look of concern, if the report which she had heard were true, namely, that he had cancer in his mouth? 'Yes, to be sure,' he replied, when I'm eating crab.'-But enough of this. Those who knew the Bishop best will probably concur in the opinion that he was never happier, never seen to more advantage, than in his own house. There never breathed a man in whom the domestic charities burned more brightly. 'My happiest time,' he used to say, was when I was rector of Brighstone, with my dear wife and my children all about me.' How faithfully he cherished her memory we have already seen, and his friends were many a time reminded-never more affectingly than when at his funeral they noticed the wreath of lilies which his own hand, only a few weeks before, had hung over the cross which marks her grave.-'I must be off now,' he once exclaimed (the meeting over which he had been presiding was virtually at an end and the winter-day was advancing); 'I promised to give the boys a skating lesson on the pond.'-Once, when the palace was full of clergy, he was missed from the little conclave in the library,—to be encountered by one of his friends rushing upstairs with his infant grandchild in his arms.-Next to the society of the actual home-circle, he seemed happiest when, with his body-guard' around him (for so he called the little staff of men on whom he chiefly depended for sympathy and help), he strolled forth for a ramble-suppose after an Ordination of Clergy. He was never more interesting than at such moments. More even at Lavington than at Cuddesdon was he fond of thus strolling forth for his evening walk, with a few congenial spirits round him, to whom he could talk freely. But it was on the charms of the pleasant landscape which surrounded his Sussex home that he chiefly expatiated on such

occasions,

occasions, leaning rather heavily on some trusty arm, while he tapped with his stick the bole of every favourite tree which came in his way (by-the-by, every tree seemed a favourite), and had something to tell of its history and surpassing merits. Every farm-house, every peep at the distant landscape, every turn in the road, suggested some playful anecdote. He had a word for every man, woman, and child he met, for he knew them all. The very cattle were greeted as old acquaintance. And how he did delight in discussing the flora of the neighbourhood, the geological formations, every aspect of the natural history of the place! Such matters were the favourite refreshment of his spirit. His first and his last contributions to the Quarterly Review' were on Knox's 'Ornithological Rambles in Sussex,' and on his 'Autumns on the Spey.' The article on Darwin's 'Origin of Species' (1860) was also from his pen. Affecting it is to remember that it was while he was in the very act of praising the loveliness of the landscape, he met with the accident which terminated his life on the Surrey Downs, July 19th, 1873. He passed out of this world of shadows into that region of reality without warning and in a moment of time; a painless and a sudden, yet not, as we believe, an unprepared death.

6

The intelligence was flashed next day all over England, awakening a pang of genuine sorrow in many a parsonage, and causing thousands to go about their Sunday work wondrous heavily. The lesson for the day was the narrative of how Absalom obtained for his only monument a cairn of stones in the wild wood. In the way of contrast, it seemed impossible not to call to remembrance what a glorious monument this great Prelate-first of Oxford, then of Winchester-had erected for himself by the labours of a life consecrated to God's service, which had come so suddenly to a close. And how incredible at first did it seem that so splendid a rider should have indeed met with his death by that most improbable of causes-the stumbling of his horse! His reputation as a master of the art of riding was everywhere proverbial, especially in the diocese of Oxford.

A large concourse of his friends followed him to his last resting-place, which was not to be (as many had expected) beside his illustrious father in Westminster Abbey, but in the same village churchyard and on the same breezy slope where, twoand-thirty years before, he had deposited the loved remains of his wife. Such a humble grave, excavated in the chalk, and nightly drenched with the dew of heaven, would, it was thought by his sons, have been more acceptable to his spirit than any other. Verily, as the years roll out, it will attract many a pilgrim-foot; but the Church, no less than the world, is won

drous

The Successors of Alexander and Greek Civilization, &c. 125

drous apt to forget its chiefest benefactors, and few will care to remember, when a few decades of years shall have run their course, how largely the Church of England is indebted to him who sleeps below. None but those who knew him will have the faintest conception what an exquisite orator, what a persuasive preacher, what a faithful Bishop-in every private relation of life what a truly delightful person-is commemorated by the stone which marks the grave of Samuel Wilberforce.

ART. IV.-1. Geschichte des Hellenismus. Von J. G. Droysen. Second Edition. Halle, 1877-78.

2. L'Économie Politique de l'Égypte sous les Lagides. Par G. Lumbroso. Turin, 1870.

3. Untersuchungen über die Campanische Wandmalerei. Wolfgang Helbig. Leipzig, 1873.

Von

4. Coins of Alexander's Successors in the East. By MajorGeneral A. Cunningham, R.E. The Numismatic Chronicle.' London, 1868–72.

THE

HE modern historians of Greece are much divided on the question where a history of Hellas ought to end. Curtius stops with the battle of Charonea and the prostration of Athens before the advancing power of Macedon. Grote narrates the campaigns of Alexander, but stops short at the conclusion of the Lamian War, when Greece had in vain tried to shake off the supremacy of his generals. Thirlwall brings his narrative down to the time of Mummius, the melancholy sack of Corinth, and the constitution of Achaia as a Roman province. Of these divergent views we regard that of the German historian as the

most correct.

The plan of Bishop Thirlwall compels him to speak of Hellas as the land of the Greeks for centuries after the centre of gravity of the Hellenic world had been transferred to Syria and Egypt, to Antioch, Pergamus, and Alexandria. It is as if a historian of the Dorians should confine his attention to the strip of land called Doris; or a historian of the Arabs should omit to speak of the Mahometan conquests in the three continents.

The limits which Mr. Grote has imposed on himself are equally unfortunate. He details the victories of Alexander, but has to pass by the results of those victories. He shows us the Greeks breaking the narrow bounds of their race and becoming masters of Asia and Africa, but gives us no account of what

they

they did with those continents when they had acquired them. He leads us into the middle of the greatest revolution that ever took place in Hellenic manners and life, and then leaves us to find our way through the maze as best we can.

The historic sense of Grote did not exclude prejudices, and in this case he was probably led astray by political bias. At the close of his ninety-sixth chapter, after mentioning the embassies sent by the degenerate Athenians to King Ptolemy, King Lysimachus, and Antipater, he throws down his pen in disgust, and with sadness and humiliation brings his narrative to a close.' Athens was no longer free and no longer dignified, and so Mr. Grote will have done with Greece at the very moment when the new Comedy was at its height, when the Museum was founded at Alexandria, when the plays of Euripides were acted at Babylon and Cabul, and every Greek soldier of fortune carried a diadem in his baggage. Surely the historian of Greece ought either to have stopped when the iron hand of Philip of Macedon put an end to the liberties and the political wranglings of Hellas, or else persevered to the time when Rome and Parthia crushed Greek power between them, like a ship between two icebergs.

No doubt his reply would be, that he declined to regard the triumph abroad of Macedonian arms as a continuation of the history of Hellas. In Philip of Macedon he sees only the foreign conqueror of the Greeks, in Alexander a semi-barbarian soldier of fortune. No doubt it is possible, by accepting the evil told us by historians about Alexander, and rejecting the good, to make him appear a monster. But were Alexander even less noble and less far-sighted than Mr. Grote supposes him to have been, this would not in any way alter the tendencies of his conquests. Wherever the Macedonian settled, the Greek became his fellowcitizen, and had over him the advantage of a greater talent for -civil life. The Macedonians spoke the Greek language, using a peculiar dialect, but that dialect disappears with their other provincialisms when they suddenly become dominant. We find no trace in Asia of any specially Macedonian deities; it is the gods of Hellas that the army of Alexander bears into the East. Even in manners and customs there seems to have been small difference between Greek and Macedonian; in our own day many primitive Greek customs, which have died out elsewhere, survive in remote districts of Macedonia. No doubt there was a great deal of Thracian blood among the hardy shepherds who followed the standards of Philip and Alexander; but if not only the nobility but even the common people had no language, religion, or customs different from those of the

Greeks,

Greeks, how was it possible to prevent the races from becoming mingled? The more wealthy and educated classes in Macedonia were mostly Greek by blood, and entirely Greek in everything else except the practice of self-government. Wherever Alexander went, Homer and Aristotle went too. In the wake of his army came the Greek philosopher and man of science, the Greek architect and artist, the Greek merchant and artisan. And Alexander must have known this. When he tried to fuse Greeks, Macedonians, and Persians, into one race, he must have known that whose blood soever ruled the mixture, Greek letters, science, and law must needs gain the upper hand. He must have known that the Greek schoolmasters would make Homer and Hesiod familiar to the children; that the strolling companies of Dionysiac artists would repeat in every city the masterpieces of the Greek drama; and that the Odes of Simonides and Pindar would be sung wherever there was a Greek lyre.

It is well known that the ancients themselves took a view of the career of Alexander very different from Mr. Grote's. We will cite but a single passage from Plutarch, who wrote ages after the glamour and glare, which for long after Alexander's death concealed the reality of his achievements, had died away: 'He taught the Hyrcanians the institution of marriage, the Arachosians agriculture; he caused the Sogdians to support, not kill, their parents, the Persians to respect, not wed, their mothers. Wondrous philosopher! who made the Indians worship the gods of the Greeks, the Scythians bury their dead instead of eating them. Asia, ordered by Alexander, read Homer; the sons of the Persians, Susians, Gedrosians, repeated the tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles.' This may be rhetorical, but if so the rhetoric is very careful in its sweep to avoid collision with fact. It was precisely the people of North India who did receive the Greek deities; it was, above all tragedians, Sophocles and Euripides, who were in favour with the Asiatics. What Plutarch says about the Sogdians is completely confirmed by Strabo.

The truth is, that the history of Greece consists of two parts, in every respect contrasted one with the other. The first recounts the stories of the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, and ends with the destruction of Thebes and the subjugation of Athens and Sparta. The Hellas of which it speaks is a cluster of autonomous cities in the Peloponnesus, the Islands, and Northern Greece, together with their colonies scattered over the coasts of Italy, Sicily, Thrace, the Black Sea, Asia Minor, and Africa. These cities care only to be independent, or at most to lord it over one another. Their political institutions, their religious ceremonies, their customs, are civic and local. Language,

commerce,