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look with hope, is foreseen by the Legiti-president elected by the people, or a presimists with misgivings. The Fusionist party dent nominated by an assembly. They are is in fact kept together not by common sym- the friends of liberty, whatever be the form pathies but by common antipathies; each in which she may present herself. branch of it hates or distrusts the idol of the Perhaps we ought to add to our enumeother, but they co-operate because each ration of Parisian parties as a fifth classbranch hates still more bitterly, and dis- the Despairers. They are most numerous trusts still more deeply, the Imperialists among the political veterans; among those and the Republicans. whose hopes have been so frequently exAmong the educated classes there are few cited, and so constantly disappointed, that, Republicans, using that word to designate at length, they dread the future as much as those who actually wish to see France a re- they hate the present. When, at the end public. There are, indeed, many who regret of 1799, ten years of disorder ended in a the social equality of the republic, the times military despotism, they thought that the when plebeian birth was an aid in the strug- revolution had run its course. It seemed to gle for power, and a journeyman mason be the natural progress of events that revocould be a serious candidate for the presi- lution should produce war, and that war dentship, but they are alarmed at its insta- should make the army, and that the army bility. They have never known a republic should make its general, omnipotent. When live for more than a few years, or die except the Consulate and the Empire were followed in convulsions. The Republican party, by the Restoration, it seemed also in the however, though small, is not to be despised. order of things that the military ruler should It is skilful, determined, and united. And be ruined by the ambition to which he owed the Socialists and the Communists, whom his crown; that he should go on playing we have omitted in our enumeration, as not double or quits until he had exhausted his belonging to the educated classes, would supply the Republican leaders with an army which has more than once become master of Paris.

good fortune; that his domestic enemies should join with his foreign ones; that the ancient dynasty should be restored, subject to the restrictions which the last fourteen The only party that remains to be de- years had shewn to be necessary; and that scribed is that to which we have given the France, having tried the rule of a feudal name of Parliamentarians. Under this de- aristocracy, of a feudal monarch, of a revosignation we include those who are distin- lutionary assembly, of an elected directory, guished from the Imperialists by their desire and of a military despot, and found each for a parliamentary form of government; intolerable, should permanently acquiesce from the Republicans, by their willingness in the mild sovereignty of constitutional that that government should be regal; and royalty.

from the Royalists, by their willingness When Charles X. tossed his crown into that it should be republican. In this class the hands of his cousin, this seemed a naare included many of the wisest and of the tural conclusion to the drama. The paralhonestest men in France. The only species lel between France and England was of rule to which they are irreconcilably pleted. "In a restoration," it was m said, opposed is despotism. No conduct on the "the first King that is restored is so delightpart of Louis Napoleon would conciliate a ed with his return to power, that he is willsincere Orleanist, or Legitimist, or Fusion- ing to accept it on any terms; and those ist, or Republican. The anti-regal preju- terms he is likely to keep. He is resolved dices of the last, and the loyalty of the not to go again on his travels. The suc other three, must force them to oppose a cessor of the restored sovereign takes the Bonapartist dynasty, whatever might be the crown, not as a good fortune, but as a right. conduct of the reigning emperor. But if He feels the limits within which he is conLouis Napoleon should ever think the time, fined irksome to himself, and easily believes to which he professes to look forward, ar- them to be mischievous to the country. His rived, if he should ever grant to France, flatterers tell him that they are void,—that or accept from her, institutions really con- his rights are unalienable, perhaps divine, stitutional; institutions, under which the will and that it is his duty to save his people, of the nation, freely expressed by a free without looking nicely to the technical lepress and by freely chosen representatives, gality of the means that must be employed, should control and direct the conduct of He attempts to act on these principles, is her governor, the Parliamentarians would resisted and deposed. But a great and eagerly rally round him. On the same con- ancient nation that has once tried the exditions they would support with equal readi-periment of democracy will not repeat it. ness Henri V., or the Comte de Paris, a It will elect for its new sovereign the next

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in succession, who is willing and fit to accept | added many more numerous classes, whose the responsibility, and to submit to the re- despondency is the result of a much shorter strictions, of a constitutional monarch. In experience. Every man who believes that that dynasty the conflicting principles of France can prosper, or that he can prosper legitimacy and selection, of divine right and himself, only under the form of government of popular right, are united. It may ex- which is the peculiar object of his own worpect indefinite duration. Such a dynasty is ship, who thinks that there can be no politiin the second century of its reign in Eng- cal salvation without political orthodoxy, land, and in the first century of its reign in and who sees no prospect of the accomplishFrance." ment of his wishes, turns Despairer. The Such was the language held to us by our war has created Despairers by thousands. older friends in Paris, from the beginning The speculators, who see their investments of the reign of Louis Philippe until the falling in value, the shopkeepers whose middle of 1847, when the warnings of an stocks do not go off, the merchants whose approaching earthquake began to be percep- ventures are unprofitable, the authors whose tible to some men of peculiar acuteness. books in this general excitement do not sell, We must acknowledge that they were not all join in prognostications of evil, and in perceptible to us. Louis Philippe appeared abuse of Louis Napoleon, Drouyn de l'Huys, to us to enjoy power more firmly rooted Lord Palmerston, and Lord Stratford, for than that of Louis XIV. He had so tho- having, by their violence and arrogance, roughly corrupted both the assembly and forced the friendly pacific Russians into a the electors, that he had nothing to fear from either a parliamentary or an electoral oppo- Such is our enumeration of Parisian parsition. With his 300,000 places, all the ties in respect of the form of government, or middle classes on whom his government of the individual governor, preferred by rested were his tools. But by abusing for these purposes the gigantic means conferred by centralisation, he had rendered those middle classes on whom his throne was built unfit to sustain its weight. We admired its splendour and its solidity, without suspecting that its foundation was a quicksand.

war.

them respectively. We have begun by this principle of classification, because in a revolutionary country it is the most important one. Theories which in England lead slowly and almost imperceptibly to practical improvements, or, at least, to changes worked out by law, have five times during the last twenty-five years, divided Paris into hostile camps separated by a field of battle.

The 24th of February came, and these illusions were dissipated in an hour. The great monarchical fortress, which was built Another principle of classification is refor ages, proved to be a mere stage decora-ligious belief, or rather religious profession. tion. The republic reappeared with its trees We are not now alluding to the distinction of liberty, its single assembly, its universal between Protestants and Catholics, for the suffrage, its clubs, its journals, and its forced Protestants in Paris are too few to exercise paper currency. It was then that those influence as such, nor to the controversies whom we have called the veterans of the between Molinists and Jansenists, or berevolution began to despair. The line along tween Ci-montane and Ultra-montane opinwhich France had been travelling for sixty ions, for these disputes have terminated in years turned out to have been a circle. the undisputed ascendency of the Jesuits and 1848 seemed to bring her back to 1789. the Pope. We use religious profession as a Having discovered that the Orleans family principle of classification, in order to distinwere mere actors, they believed that on guish between those who are, and those who their exit, only actors would succeed them. are not, favourable to the prevalence in They looked at the Constituent and Legisla- France of religious opinions and motives. tive assemblies of this century as mere parodies of those of the last; they expected them to be followed by a Convention, by the dictatorship of the mob, and the dictatorship of the army; and now that the Emperor and the war have come, they expect success to be the precursor of defeat, loans to be carried on to bankruptcy, and the conscription to depopulation, until perhaps another invasion is followed by another

restoration.

To those historical Despairers are to be

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In the last century Catholicism, we had almost said Christianity, had lost its hold on, the higher classes in France, and incredulity, beginning with them, had spread to the middle, and even to the lower classes in the towns. The revolution of 1789 changed the feelings of the aristocracy. They connected irreligion with democracy, and tried to revive Catholicism as a political engine. To do this it was necessary to appear to believe in it, or, at least, to treat it with respect, and accordingly in the highest so

ciety, except in a tête-a-tête, the doctrines of the Church are scarcely ever mentioned irreverently. But the middle classes, who had been gainers by the revolution, felt grateful to scepticism for its assistance. They were led by the conduct of Louis XVIII. and of Charles X., and still more by that of their courtiers, to associate religion with aristocracy, and to impute to those who affected the one a desire to bring back the other. The revolution of 1830 was almost as anti-religious as it was anti-legitimist.

We do not believe that, if their turn of power should come, they will seriously make such an attempt, nor do we believe that the attempt, if made, would succeed. It would bring back to the Parisians the recollection of the worst times of the Revolution, and the peasantry of the provinces would feel indignant at being suddenly and perceptibly subjected to a burthen, which, so far as they bore it before, they bore unconsciously.

In saying that the abolition of religious stipends would subject the peasantry to a Under Louis Philippe Christianity was new burthen, we assume, of course, that less hated by the Bourgeoisie, than it had though the State deprived the priests of their been under Charles X., because it was less salaries, the people would retain and pay feared, but it was more despised. 1848, by their services. We are inclined to think dethroning the middle classes, seemed at that on that event the Bourgeoisie of Paris, first to convert them. They now saw the and perhaps of most of the large towns, want of the religious sanction, and were would withdraw from the Church; but we ready to join the aristocracy in imposing believe that even there the priests would be its restraints on the people. These feel- supported by the aristocracy, and by all the ings, however, produced only an outward women of the lower classes, and by many surface of respect and conformity, covering of the men. In the country they would be general unbelief, and were destroyed by the supported by all classes. The peasantry, a adherence of the clergy to Louis Napoleon, term which, in the provinces of France, inwhom the Bourgeoisie picture to themselves cludes nearly the whole population that is as a mixture of Charles X. and Louis Blanc, not gentilhomme, are uninquiring believers. as a cross between despotism and socialism. The curé is generally a man of pure life, The general result is, that the Imperialists connected with them by birth and affinity, and the Legitimists support Catholicism, the superior to them in knowledge and talent, former because the priests have adhered to and using that superiority as a leader and Louis Napoleon, the latter because they as an adviser. The doctrines which are think Catholicism favourable to the principle taught in every school, and preached from of authority, and even to that of divine right; every pulpit, and treated by all the best edand further, that the portion of the Orlean-ucated part of society as if they were true, ists, which belongs to the aristocracy, also are accepted by the less educated without supports it as a check on democracy. But examination, and adopted and retained with the Bourgeoisie and the Republicans detest out suspicion. To many minds even the it as imperialist or legitimist in France, and irksomeness of some of the Roman Catholic as opposed to freedom of government, of observances is attractive. They estimate education, of literature, and even of thought, the merit by the disagreeableness. They in the whole of the Continent.

delight in the notion that they are performing palpable, measurable, countable good works; that they are laying up in heaven a treasure of which the amount can be calculated, and the security is perfect.

One of the intentions of the Ultra-republican party, when they come into power, is to do what Lamartine attempted without success in 1848, to abolish the salaries of the priests. And they believe that such a measure would destroy Catholicism, or leave Another and an important, but transitory, it the faith of only a small and scattered principle of classification, is approbation or sect. They admit that in the south, where disapprobation of the war. We believe the Catholic zeal is kept up by Protestant oppo- war to be unpopular among all the Boursition, where, in our own times, there have bonist parties. They consider Russia as the been religious persecutions, where the ruins defender of what they call order, and England of houses, burnt by fanatical mobs still re- as the propagator of what they call revolumain, kept unrepaired as a silent reproach tion. To support cheerfully the sacrifices to the party that destroyed them, there the of war, requires great devotion and great clergy will be paid by the people, and public spirit, even when the object of that Catholicism will be preserved. But they war is approved. It may be some time bebelieve that in the greater part of France fore that devotion and that public spirit there is not sufficient religion to induce the become general in Paris. Louis Philippe people to maintain, at their own expense, and his friends thought that the aggressive its ministers. propensities of France could not be too

effectually repressed. They preached indif-military ardour of France had been exhausted ference to foreign affairs, and devotion to by his victories, and chilled by his defeats, wealth and comfort, in short, national sel- she threw herself into speculation and literafishness and apathy, and they preached suc- ture. Paris became the intellectual metrocessfully. But the Legitimists and the polis of the world. There was framed and Fusionists, and even many of the pure Or- worked the machinery which overthrew feuleanists, think not only this war, but the dalism, and shook to its centre catholicism. objects of this war, mischievous. They do The chit-chat of the Parisian salons decided not believe that the extension of the Russian the tastes and the opinions of Europe. As power would really injure France, and few soon as Paris had devoured the old religion of them care how much it may injure the and philosophy, it turned on monarchy. rest of the world. They think, or at least That was a meal for only three years. they say, "That we have led France into it France employed twenty more in breaking for English purposes, for the purpose of to pieces and swallowing up Belgium, and crushing the rising Russian fleet, and sup- Holland, and Italy, and in endeavouring to porting the Caucasian tribes as a barrier between Russia and India. With these purposes they have no sympathy. They do not wish to see the Russian navy destroyed. They wish to cherish it, as they wish to cherish all the secondary maritime powers, to be a check on us. They do not wish to see us always hanging over the coast of Af rica, in irresistible force, ready to imprison and then seize their army in Africa, as we did their army in Egypt. They have no India to protect, no commerce with Turkey that they care about. They do not even inquire who rules in the Black Sea!?'

Those who profess to take wider and more distant views maintain, 'That France retains her ascendency only by holding England and Russia in check through each other, and that she can do this only while the balance between them is nearly even. But, that, when this war is over, the balance will be no longer even. That either Russia or England will come out of it predominant. If it be Russia,' they say, 'if her power or her influence extends from the Arctic Ocean to the Morea, France will have to submit to her dictation, or to cling to England and America for support. If England succeed, she will be still more despotic at sea than Russia can be on land. The colonies, and the trade of France, will be held only at her good will. She will not, perhaps, be so imperious as Russia, but from time to time she will make France feel her inferiority."

crush Germany and Spain, When that amusement was denied to her, a new one, and perhaps a still more stimulating one, was given to her in parliamentary life. The eyes of all Europe were fixed on the tribune of the Chamber. Statesmen and orators took in public attention, the place which had been filled by generals and negotiators. France was proud to think herself as great in debate as she had been in arms. brilliant and constantly shifting scenes gratified her vanity, her curiosity, her love of influencing and intermeddling, and what was quite as important, her love of mischief. She was delighted to hear Guizot attack Thiers, and Thiers expose Guizot.

The

All this was rudely and suddenly terminated by the coup d'état. The pit and the boxes were still full of spectators, eager to admire, to criticise, to applaud, and to hiss; but a curtain was dropped before the stage, painted indeed with grotesque imperial decorations, but concealing the play and the actors. Can it be supposed this would have been permanently submitted to? That the most unquiet, the most restless, the most ambitious, the most daring, and the most unscrupulous people that the world has ever feared and wondered at, would long have been satisfied to stand, like a Russian sentinel, in silence and darkness, forbidden to move, or to speak, or, as far as it could be prevented, to hear or to see and this, after having enjoyed 300 years of exciteA still stronger reason for the unpopular-ment? France is a fiend that would tear ity of the war among the Royalists, is a her master to pieces if he long ceased to find feeling that it was essential to the perma- her employment. For the first year after nence of Louis Napoleon's power.

From the beginning of the 16th century, the period at which Europe, from being an aggregate of tribes, crystallized into nations, France has never been without some great food for her activity and her vanity. First came the Italian wars of Charles VIII. and Francis, then the religious troubles, then the splendours of Louis XIV., the most thorough Frenchman that ever reigned, When the

the coup d'état, she felt relieved from the dangers, some of them real, but most of them exaggerated, of 1852; after four years of excitement, struggle, and suspense, a year of repose was tolerable. Then came the burst of prosperous speculation of 1853, but its very vehemence made it impossible that it should be permanent; nor was it very interesting to any but the gamblers on the Bourse. The French public thinks little

about manufactures, or railroads, or trade. | sessor, but this is not an aristacratic inconIt does not care whether it travels at the venience: it is one inseparable from free rate of thirty miles an hour or of eight; institutions. Those who feel, as we do, that whether its ports are empty or full; whether without such institutions life would not be Rouen and Lyons are prosperous or starv-worth having, must submit to be ruled by ing. The excitement which it craves is rhetoricians. The necessity that a statespolitical excitement; the passions which it man should be a speaker, and the probabiwishes to gratify are curiosity, vanity, and lity that the best speaker of his party will ambition; and they are gratified by the war. become its leader, may exclude some men The war may be apparently unpopular with whose wisdom, knowledge, and experience, all classes, as it is really with the Royalists; we can ill afford to lose, it may put others, but it is a substitute for the press and the whose judgment, or industry, or honesty is tribune. It gives the Parisians something deficient, into stations in which their faults to talk about, to criticise and to debate. It may be mischievous in proportion to their takes them out of a state of oppressive and rhetorical ability; but it is unavoidable, and humiliating stagnation; and when it is it secures, at least, that our Parliamentary crowned, as we firmly believe that it will chiefs shall have high talents, though not albe, by success, it will give to the Emperor ways the most useful ones. It lets in marthe magical prestige of military glory. We plots, but it excludes dunces. And if we admit that failure would be ruinous; that compare our statesmen with those of the Louis Napoleon is condemned to victory, countries which are governed either despotand to decisive victory. But such victory, ically or democratically, with those of Belwe believe, that he has the power to com- gium, or of Holland, or of Prussia, or of mand, and no can doubt that he has the Austria, or of Russia, or, to take the country will. which most resembles us in every respect, except its democracy, with those of the United States, it would be false modesty if we were to limit our claim to that of mere equality.

The absence of an aristocracy, to which we have alluded as among the political calamities of France, is eminently favourable to her military power. We are apt, in England, to complain that the most im- But this reasoning does not apply to the portant posts in the public service are filled army. That is a profession which all who by persons whose claim to them was birth, embrace it enter at an early age: the poorconnection, or wealth, and that the result is est perhaps at the earliest. Instead of being, general mediocrity and frequent incompe- like politics, necessarily the monopoly of tence. The assertion, that we select our the rich, it is naturally the refuge of the higher political functionaries from the com- poor. The cheapest way to provide for a paratively small number of men who possess son is to get him a commission. It requires rank or fortune, is true; but it is not equal- no expensive preparation. Any young man ly clear that this is an evil, or that it is avoid- of talents and energy can procure, or can able. Political life, in general, and, more give himself, at little cost, a good military than any other branch of it, Parliamentary education. There appears to be no reason, life, is costly, uncertain, and unremunerative; in fact there is none, unless one be found in and what, more than any any other cause, our aristocratic institutions, why the highest narrows the entrance to it, it requires early rank, or why all ranks in the army, should apprenticeship. Of three men, of equal not be open to merit, though low-born, and talents and diligence, who enter the House even though indigent. It might then have of Commons, one at the age of twenty-five, been expected, a priori, that our highest one at thirty-five, and the third at forty-five, military posts would be as well filled as our we may predict, that the first will have highest political employments, indeed betenormous advantage over the second, ter, since there is a far wider field for selecand that the third, unless he have pre- tion. And if the military leader were viously practised a profession to which selected, like the political leader, by those public speaking is incidental, will fail. whom he is to command, such would be tho. The prizes of political life, therefore, are, by case. Unhappily he is not so selected; perhaps the very nature of the contest, reserved for cannot be so selected. The men on whom the those who, by means of their own wealth, fate of an army, perhaps of a country, peror that of their friends, can devote them- haps of the civilized world, may depend, selves in early life to the arena, and sup- are chosen by those over whom their subseport its long and expensive training. Nor,quent conduct has no immediate influence. we repeat, is it clear that this is an evil. It If, through the stupidity, or the ignorance, it perhaps an evil that powers of debate or the rashness, or the ill-temper, or the give an undue preponderance to their pos-false shame of a superior officer, English

an

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