country are apt to be exaggerated. There one enters as a clerk, one begins as a clerk may be a change of ministry without much of the lowest grade, with £80 or £90 a year, change of administration. It was not in his and works one's way upwards. There are Parliamentary or deliberative character as many kinds of employments besides clerka statesman dictating a policy to the country, ships, however, which admit of graduation. that M. Thiers accomplished the results he Thus, in the Police force, the order of service speaks of; it was by becoming, himself and his is as follows: constables, serjeants, inspeccolleagues, an actual and incessant part of the tors, superintendents. In the General Postexecutive, and so carrying out his own or- office, there are three grades of letter-carders before giving new ones; and, even then, riers, and various grades of subsorters and the extent of his success depended on the sorters of letters, as well as various grades quality of that permanent official machinery of clerks. In the Customs, there are various through which his orders took shape. Had classes of tide-waiters, various classes of that been better he would have achieved as lockers and weighers, various classes of landmuch with less labour, or he might have ing-waiters, various classes of gaugers, and achieved more with the same labour. The so on; and entrants in each denomination quality of the fixed Civil Service of a country is, therefore, a momentous matter; and this resolves itself into a question of the mode in which men are appointed to it.

begin in the lowest class. In the Excise, the business of collection is performed by officers rising above each other in rank and responsibility as follows: expectants, assistants, ordinary surveying officers, principal surveying officers, supervisors, and collectors; and one arrives at the higher ranks only by passing through the others.

only, what is the present system that regulates promotion from the lower ranks to the higher? In other words, how do men get into the service; and, when they are in it, how do they rise in it?

How do men get into the service, whether as nominees to staff appointments, or as beginners with a chance of promotion?

On what principle are persons appointed to posts in the fixed Civil Service of Great Britain? Here, again, we have to make a distinction. There are two kinds of offices in the fixed Civil Service. There are, first, With this distinction between staff or spewhat are called Staff or Special Appoint- cial appointments and graduated appointments that is, certain situations to which ments in view, we are able to shape our premen are appointed at once, irrespective of sent inquiry more precisely, by dividing it any previous connexion with the service, and into two parts-viz., (1.) How are men at often without having been connected with it present admitted to staff appointments, and at all. The name, "Staff-appointments," in to commencing posts in the graduated porthis sense is usually applied to those higher tions of the service? and (2.) With referoffices, such as Commissionerships, Under-ence to the graduated portions of the service secretaryships, and the like, which rank, in point of dignity and emolument, next to the ministerial offices, but differ from them in being held permanently. Thus, the permanent Under-secretaryships of the Home, Foreign, and Colonial departments, the Commissionerships of the Customs and Excise, the Secretaryship of the Post-office, the Mastership of the Mint, the Registrarship-gene- A very important part of this question is, ral, and such like, are "Staff-appointments." Who appoints? Who are the Patrons who According to custom and tradition, persons confer staff appointments, and who also nomay be selected to fill these offices from the minate young men to clerkships and other community at large; they are posts to which commencing posts in the service? A detailpersons have no special claim by being al- ed examination of the mode in which patronready in the service, and which may be con- age is actually exercised at present makes it ferred at pleasure on any one. The same appear that, whenever the head of an office name, however, may very well be applied to is one of the ministers, or at all events, a number of minor offices, such as engineer- whenever he is a Cabinet minister, the pa ing inspectorships, librarianships, special se- tronage of the office is left in his hands; but cretaryships, and even to lower offices still, that, whenever this is not the case, the pasuch as those of doorkeepers, attendants, &c. tronage either reverts to the Crown directly, Distinct from staff appointments in this wide or to the Treasury, as the supreme and consense, are what may be called Graduated Ap- trolling department of the Executive-in pointments, or those which are arranged in an some cases, however, the heads of the offices ascending scale, so that one must enter at a being still allowed to select their subordiparticular stage, and pass through the lower nates. Thus, in point of fact, the patronage to reach the higher. As a general rule, of the civil service is centred in the Minclerkships in all departments of the service istry or Cabinet for the time being-the Preare graduated appointments; whatever office | mier, either in his capacity of First Minister

of the Crown, or as First Lord of the Trea- | Scotch have it largely developed. In order sury, exercising by far the largest amount to judge of the extent to which Nepotism of this patronage, but the other ministers has practically operated within our own holding the appointments in their respective times in appointments to office, one has only departments. One circumstance, according to take up any official Directory, Parlialy, which enhances the consequence of the ministerial or shifting portion in relation to the permanent body of the service, is that, not only is the action of the permanent body determined and characterised for the time being by the ministry which lies atop of it, but this ministry has the power of so far altering the very substance and constitution of the permanent service by filling up vacancies occurring in it.

mentary Companion, or a similar book of reference. One notices at once the prevalence of certain names; and in particular how many brothers and other near relatives of ministers or ex-ministers are imbedded in the upper ranks of the permanent service. We need not mention names; nor need we consider whether, as is often said, the Whigs are more liable to Nepotism than the Tories. The ramifying power of one or two great Whig families is certainly remarkable.

Hitherto, almost universally in the permanent civil service of this country, appoint- Nepotism pure, however, acts less extenments have been made on one main princi- sively than the other form of favour we have ple, however variously modified in applica- mentioned-regard for political connexion. tion-the principle of what is roughly called Indeed, Nepotism, in the nature of things, is Favour. The patrons of the various offices seldom found acting purely the relatives of have conferred the appointments on whom a man in office generally adhering to him soever they liked, and without being called politically, so as to occasion no struggle beupon to assign any stronger reason, even if tween the claims of blood and the ties of they had it, than that such was their liking. party. But Party-interest extends wider Of course, there are natural limits to the and penetrates deeper than Nepotism either possible vagaries of favour in appointing to pure or in association with it. It is, as we offices. As the government of Russia has have hinted, in the upper ranks of the service, been called a Despotism-tempered by as- among the golden staff-appointments of the sassination, so the system of appointments metropolitan centre, that Nepotism is most to civil office may be called a system of ab- rampant. But Party-interest pervades the solute favour-tempered by the fear of pub- system even to its extremities, and its lowest lic opinion. A minister will not, in ordinary strata-makes itself felt in the Shetland circumstances, appoint a donkey-boy to a Islands, and grasps at twenty shillings a colonial clerkship, or reward a distinguished week. The essence of this form of patrontheatre-clown with a high place in the cus- age is, that the ministry for the time being toms, or make a Queen's messenger of a man shall think themselves bound to confer vawith a wooden leg who plays the Pandean cant offices as they fall in, on persons belongpipes. But within these ample limits the ing or professing to belong to their own posystem of favour is absolute. Favour, how-litical party; or, still more particularly and ever, is a vague word. When people favour necessarily, on persons who have been usetheir neighbours it is for certain reasons and ful, or who may be useful, to their party. in certain directions. Favour, therefore, Every one knows how this habit acts. High assumes particular forms in particular cir- in the ranks of society, and most of all in éumstances; and the forms which it assumes Parliament itself, below the benches on which in the bestowal of "government appoint- the ministers and the ministers expectant sit, ments" by those who have the patronage of are men who live and have their being in them are, in the main, these two-Nepotism, current politics, who toil for their party, and regard for Political Connexion. vote for their party, and represent their par

Nepotism meant originally the natural ty in the counties and boroughs during the desire of a man to provide for his “ ne- recess. These men, of course, are to be rephews" that being the nearest relationship warded; and when their Parliamentary which the ecclesiastics of the Church of chiefs come into office, they take the oppor Rome, who were great masters of the arts of tunity of rewarding them by giving them, Nepotism, found it convenient to acknow- should they wish to retire from Parliament, ledge. It means now the tendency of a man places in the permanent service. Mr. A, or to provide for his sons, his brothers, his Sir B. C, has sat in Parliament many years, nephews, his grandsons, his brothers-in-law, has uniformly voted with the Whigs, and has his sons-in-law, the husbands of his nieces, most punctually taken his cue in all matters and so on, through the whole list of his rela- from the Whig Secretaries to the Treasury; tions. This tendency is stronger in some but a reverse of fortune has cut short his nations and families than in others. The Parliamentary career, and a provision for his

old age is necessary. The lieutenant-gover- the level of the suffrage, the influence of ponorship of some island, or some office of litical cliantage circulates and pierces, con£500 a year nearer home, falls vacant; the necting every corner of these islands with Treasury has bowels, and the veteran gets it. the great London centre. The member of The Tories, when they take their turn, pro- Parliament for the county or borough is, of ceed on the same principle; and thus Whigs course, the medium of communication. "To and Tories are bedded into the service, so to get the member to use his influence with speak, in alternate layers-the thickness of Government;" such is the formula of hope the layer depending on the time that the cor- wherever there are aspirants after Governresponding ministry has lasted, and on the ment situations or Government favour of any rate of mortality in official circles during its kind—a formula sometimes attenuated and tenure of power. There always are in Par- elongated thus, "To get some one to speak liament a number of men who make the at- or write to the member, asking him to use tainment of a permanent office the end of his influence with Government. Thus betheir political activity. We all remember set with applications from his constituency, Mr. Drummond's figure of the Treasury as the member, even if he is resolute against a sow, perplexed in her maternal duties be- asking or receiving any favour for himself cause her piglings out-number her teats. or his relatives, is often obliged to stand in From causes connected with our traditional the position of a solicitor in behalf of his pohabits and prescriptions, it is chiefly among litical supporters and their clients. It is Parliamentary members of the legal profes- even understood that he must do so, and sion that the expectation of office is an evi- hence every member of Parliament is condent motive. Not only does the judicial sidered entitled, so long as his friends are in branch of the service contain many prizes office, to some slice of the patronage that is peculiar to itself-judgeships and the like; going. Nay, the moderate use of this right but there are many offices in the Civil is almost a duty to party; for how, except Service which can be held only by bar- through the individual members, can the risters of a certain standing. For a secretaries of the Treasury know how to apsimilar reason, barristers and attorneys are ply patronage for the benefit of the concern? among the most numerous expectants of Supposing there were a Whig member for place, out of Parliament. Their professional Caithness who would ask no favours, the reduties and interests are akin to politics, and Icad them into politics. They are usually the most active men in local political meetings, and they manage county and borough electioneerings. Thus they have a claim upon the patronage of their party. It is not necessary, however, that they, or that others not of their profession, who are similarly active in local politics, should solicit favour for We cannot better indicate the popular imthemselves. They also are subject to Ne- pression as to the way in which Government potism, and have relatives whom it is their offices are to be obtained, than by quoting a aim to get into situations. Nay, beyond few sentences from a small publication enthe circle of blood-relationship, each of these titled Guide to Government Situations, of local notabilities-whether squire, attorney, which nine editions have been sold within a or merchant has his agents and attachés year or two by its London publisher, and who are useful to him in private capacities, the tenth, "revised and enlarged," seems also or even help him in electioneering. Here to be selling fast. The information the book is a public-house keeper in whose house the contains is superficial enough, but it seems committee of the Whig candidate met at last to satisfy the demand. election; he has several sons, and would be glad to get one of them into the Customs. "In the first Lord of the Treasury, as the Here, again, is a swarthy shoemaker who is Prime Minister of the Crown and the Chief of an obstinate Tory in a street of Radical that department which more or less controls all weavers, and who not only voted for the the other public departments, is vested the Tory candidate himself among the jeers and largest amount of Government patronage. Some threats of the adjacent democracy, but act- of the very best appointments in all the branches ually made the wives of three imbecile of the Civil Service are in his gift. He appoints weavers compel them to go to the poll with him. Crispin is unmarried himself of course, but he is anxious to get a sister's son into the Post-office. And so down even below

sult is that Whiggism in Caithness might die of inanition. During a Tory ministry let Exeter have a Tory member who neglects his business, and Mr. Hayter will watch the growing disgust of Toryism round the Cathedral with pleasure, and will speculate at next election on having two Whigs for Exeter.

mainly to the Customs, Audit Office, Stamp Ofsituations in the Post Office are also in his gift. fice, &c., and a large number of the provincial This patronage is dispensed by the Treasury Secretaries, who dispose of it in the manner most

likely to be of service to the existing ministry, nephew or a son-in-law appointed to an chiefly through those members of the House of office, it would be no stain on his character. Commons who support them. The degree of at- And patronage for political purposes is also, tention paid to the recommendation of a member within certain limits, considered perfectly depends upon his value to the party he supports. fair. There are abuses, however, in the One of the most zealous and powerful advocates of the ministerial measures proposed would there system of patronage by favour, at which fore obtain the patronage of half a dozen vacan- even ordinary morality is shocked. Patroncies, while the silent supporter who just wakes up age for political purposes when carried bein time to record his vote would be disregarded. yond a certain point, becomes what is called This should be borne in mind by those who are political corruption. Offices are sometimes fortunate enough to have a choice in their selection of a patron. The influence of members of conferred to bribe a man, or to silence and Parliament is not confined to those offices in which paralyze him, or to reward him for apostasy; the appointments are made by the Treasury; but and those who know the official world well, extends more or less to most of the Government are somewhat liberal in their estimates of situations, the patronage in the hands of those the amount of patronage laid out in this ministers who are temporary heads of departments, Then, lower still, there is-facts will not perbeing dispensed with an equal regard to parlia-mit the most charitable to deny it-actual mentary support.

It is as well to observe

In soli

way.

here, that the greater the number of applications political simony, the actual sale of offices for on behalf of one individual that can be brought money. For many years Britain has not to bear upon the dispenser of patronage, the bet- been disgraced by having any minister, or ter. Unless the one supporter be a member of head of a department, to whom the suspiunusual influence, one will hardly procure an ap-cion of such baseness could, by possibility, pointment. There seems to be almost a rule now be attached. But that among those who adopted, that each applicant for public employ-have influence with ministers and heads of ment should have a proposer and a seconder; but, departments, or who have influence with of course, every additional application beyond this those who have influence with them, there will serve to strengthen the case. citing an appointment, the applicant must not be are persons of both sexes who convert their too certain that he has gained his end when the opportunities of assisting men to offices into member or minister puts his name down upon his hard cash, is but too surely proved. What list, and promises to do his best for him; nor, in- else can those advertisements mean, offering deed, when he may receive an official note from douceurs of £500, £100, or £50, or of the the Treasury, or the private secretary of the head first year's salary, to any lady or gentleman of a department, informing him that his applica, who will "legally" procure for the advertiser a situation under government, or in some public office?

tion "has been received, and will be considered." These are often merely the official modes of quieting or getting rid of applications. If the member really intend to serve you, he will have to make On the other hand, as we rejoice to admit, vigorous application at the proper quarter, where, much virtue of the truest kind has flourished as before stated, his success will depend upon his under the system of patronage by favour. influence, and he may even have to be importu- It is impossible to speak too highly of such nate in your behalf. Again, if the person virtue under difficulties," as some eminent applying has not sufficient influence to admit of his naming some particular office or class, he men now in office have exhibited in the use should not be too easy in accepting anything that of their rights to make appointments. Free may be offered to him, or it is not unlikely he will to choose whom they liked, some ministers find himself installed in the situation of a tide- and heads of departments have voluntarily waiter, or some one equally valuable. The acted on the principle of seeking for men of permanency and security of the situations in ascertained merit, independently either of government offices, and in such public offices as the East India House, the Bank of England, &c., family or of political connexion. Probably no doubt contribute greatly to the avidity with appointments, solely with a view to merit which such situations are sought. In several of and fitness, are most numerous in those the government offices, the salaries are not equal cases where the patron is directly and closely to those usually given in merchants' and other interested in the success of the appointment, counting-houses; but security is undoubtedly of as when the working Heads of Departments great importance, as the clerks are in no danger appoint their immediate subordinates. An of dismissal without receiving an adequate com- abstract and unflinching determination, bepensation, unless, indeed, their conduct should be grossly improper." yond this sphere of personal interest, to appoint only fit men, and to appoint the right We have hitherto spoken only of those men to the right places, is a higher virtue, forms of patronage by favour which, accord- hardly to be expected of any except the very ing to general opinion, are honest and re- best official human nature. Sometimes, spectable. So far is nepotism from being however, the force of public opinion, or of thought wrong, that even if the Archbishop actual official necessity, comes to the aid of of Canterbury used his influence to get a ministerial conscientiousness, and some man

already marked out by the finger of all, as offices, as compared with private mercantile the man for a particular post, receives it. establishments, that "the clerks are in no danThus Rowland Hill was carried into the ger of dismissal without an adequate compenPost-office; the universal voice designated sation; unless, indeed, their conduct should be him, and the government at last accepted grossly improper." In point of fact, nothing him. One may say also, that generally and but flagrant criminality, such as the law itself throughout the service, even where those would punish, occasions dismissal from the who have patronage do not make ascertain- older and more desirable portions of the ed merit the sole ground on which they be- civil service, after one has been formally enstow office, they often make it a ground. rolled on the lists. The contrast is thus imOf two or more candidates, equally eligible mense between government offices and private on grounds of political connexion, patrons mercantile, or even the great railway estabwill generally select the one who has the lishments, in which the right of dismissal for best testimonials of personal fitness. We any fault, or even for general feebleness and believe, in particular, that when an election inefficiency, is rigidly maintained. When for rests with a mixed Board, there is great fair- any reason short of flagrant misconduct, a ness and care in the examination of testimo-person is dismissed from a government office, nials; and in some classes of cases-as, for it is the custom to pension him off-a thing example, in government appointments to unheard of in private establishments, except professorships and other educational offices in very peculiar cases. Moreover, it is the political motives prevail only to this extent, rule of government offices to deduct a certhat the patrons will not appoint one who is tain sum from the incomes of those employed notoriously their political opponent. All in in them, for the purposes of a superannuation all, there is evidence that we have greatly fund, providing for their support in case of improved in this respect, and that a regard ill health, and during the decline of life. This for merit and fitness irrespective of political is another difference between the public or ends, is more common in high quarters, civil, and private services, in which latter inwhether among Whigs or Tories, than it was surance against ill health and old age is usuin the comfortable old times of Eldon and ally a matter of option and individual pruDundas. The practice already adopted in dence. some departments of the service, of subject- The second peculiarity in the civil service ing candidates to some kind of examination, affecting the character of those who belong and subsequently to a probation, before con- to it, consists in what may be called the infirming them in their appointments, testifies flexibility and mutual independence of its to the same fact. It is already a rule, we arrangements. 'Routine," though a favourunderstand, to have some kind of examina- ite word, is hardly the proper word here. tion of clerks before admitting them into any In private establishments there is and must of the following offices, the Treasury, the be "routine;" a rigid system of checks and Colonial Office, the Board of Trade, the Privy counter-checks is enforced; the division of Council Office, the Poor Law Board, the labour is carried as far as possible; and War Office, the Ordnance Office, the Audit every person, from the highest to the lowest, Office, the Paymaster-General's Office, the has a special round of duties allotted to him. Inland Revenue Office, the Emigration Office. Private establishments, however, have the and some others. These examinations may power of self-adjustment; the routine adoptnot be very rigid, nor the probations which ed in them is that resulting from the harfollow them very severe; but even the form monious action of a machine, all the parts of requiring them is something.

Having thus described the present system according to which men are admitted into the civil service, whether as holders of staff appointments, or as entrants in the graduated portions of the service, it remains to indicate the manner in which persons once in the service are treated, and the nature of the regulations by which they are moved about or promoted in it.

The first fact to be noted here is that, as a general rule, there is no dismissal from the service. Once in it, a man is safe for

life.

In the language of the handbook already quoted, it is one of the peculiar advantages of the government and other public

of which are made to suit each other and the general purpose of the whole; and changes are immediately made as circumstances require them. The "routine" of public offices is different. The arrangements and divisions of employment in these offices have come down from the past, and are fixed, or nearly so; each office is independent of the other, and yet two or more offices may often be engaged in the same business; nor is there any presiding authority, as in private establishments, to shift the officials from one kind of occupation to another, according to the ascertained differences of their qualifications. This "fragmentary character" of the public service, and this confusion of the "mechani