Изображения страниц
PDF
EPUB
[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small]

consider the result if all the planetary bodies
were to fall into the sun. Take Jupiter with
its enormous mass, which, if falling into the
sun, would in a few moments cause an evolu-
tion of 32,240 years' heat. Take them all
together-suppose all the planets were falling
into the sun-the whole emission of heat due
to all the planets striking the sun, with the ve-
locities they would acquire in falling from their
present distances, would amount to something
under 46,000 years' heat. We do not know
these figures very well. They may be wrong by
ten or twenty or thirty per cent., but that does
not influence-much the kind of inference we
draw from them. Now, what a drop in the
ocean is the amount of energy of the motion
of the planets, and work to be done in them
before they reach their haven of rest, the sun,
compared with what the sun has emitted al-
ready! I suppose all geologists admit that the
sun has shone more than 46,000 years? Indeed,
all consider it well established, that the sun
has already, in geological periods, emitted ten,
twenty, a hundred, perhaps a thousand-I
won't say a hundred thousand-but perhaps a
thousand times as much heat as would be pro-
duced by all the planets falling together into
And yet Playfair and his followers
have totally disregarded this prodigious dissi-
pation of energy. He speaks of the existing
state of things as if it must or could have been
perennial.

the sun.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

| heat was generated in ancient times by the
work of mutual gravity between masses falling
together to form his body. The strongest rea-
son which compelled me to give up the former
hypothesis was, that the amount of bodies circu-
lating round the sun within a short distance of
his surface, which would be required to give even
two or three thousand years of heat, must be so
great, that a comet shooting in to near the
sun's surface and coming away again, would
inevitably show signs of resistance to a degree
that no comet has shown. In fact, we have
strong reason to believe that there is not cir-
culating round the sun, at present, enough of
meteors to constitute a few thousand years of
future sun-heat. If, then, we are obliged to
give up every source of supply from without-
and I say it advisedly, because there is no sub-
marine wire, no underground railway,' lead-
ing into the sun-we see all round the sun, and
we know that there is no other access of
energy into the sun than meteors,-if, then, we
have strong reason to believe that there is no
continual supply of energy to the sun, we are
driven to the conclusion that it is losing energy.
Now, let us take any reasonable view we can.
Suppose it is a great burning mass, a great
ma-s of material not yet combined, but ready
to combine, a great mass of gun-cotton, a great
mass of gunpowder, or nitro-glycerine, or some
other body having in small compass the poten-
tial elements of a vast development of energy.
We may imagine that to be the case, and that
he (sic) is continually burning from the com-
bustion of elements within himself; or we may
imagine the sun to be merely a heated body
cooling; but imagine it as we please, we can-
not estimate more on any probable hypothesis,
than a few million years of heat. When I say
a few millions, I must say at the same time,
that I consider one hundred millions as being
a few, and I cannot see a decided reason against
admitting that 'the sun may have had in it one
hundred million years of heat, according to its
present rate of emission, in the shape of energy.
An article, by myself, published in Macmillan's
Magazine, for March 1862, on the age of the
sun's heat, explains results of investigation into
various questions as to possibilities regarding
the amount of the heat that the sun could have,
dealing with it as you would with a stone, or a
piece of matter, only taking into account
the sun's dimensions, which showed it to be
possible that
the sun may have already

Now, if the sun is not created a miraculous body, to shine on and give out heat for ever, we must suppose it to be a body subject to the laws of matter (I do not say there may not be laws which we have not discovered) but, at all events, not violating any laws we have discovered or believe we have discovered. We must deal with the sun as we should with any large mass of molten iron, or silicon, or sodium. We do not know whether there is most of the iron, or the silicon, or the sodium -certainly there is sodium; as I learned from Stokes before the end of the year 1851; and certainly, as Kirchhoff has splendidly proved, there is iron. But we must reason upon the sun as if it were some body having properties such as bodies we know have. And this is also worthy of attention:-naturalists affirm that every body the earth has ever met in its course through the universe, has, when examined, been proved to contain only known elements-chemical substances such as we know and have previously met on the earth's surface. If we could get from the sun a piece of its substance cooled, we should find it to consist of stone or slag, or metal, or crystallized rock, or something that would not astonish us. So we must reason on the sun according to properties of matter known to us here.

"In 1854, I advocated the hypothesis that the energy continually emitted as light (or radiant heat) might be replenished constantly by meteors falling into the sun from year to year; but very strong reasons have induced me to leave that part of the theory then advocated by me which asserted that the energy radiating out from year to year is supplied from year to year; and to adopt Helmholtz's theory, that the sun's

[blocks in formation]

one

illuminated the earth for as many as hundred million years, but at the same time also rendered it almost certain that he had not illuminated the earth for five hundred millions of years. The estimates here are necessarily very vague, but yet, vague as they are, I do not know that it is possible, upon any reasonable estimate, founded on known properties of matter, to say that we can believe the sun has really illuminated the earth for five hundred million years."

Professor Huxley endeavours to answer this by attempting to show that Sir W. Thomson, fifteen years ago, " entertained a to

tally different view of the origin of the sun's heat, and believed that the energy radiated from year to year was supplied from year to ycar, a doctrine which would have suited Hutton perfectly." Thomson shows that this assertion is incorrect, and that his view of the entire possible meteoric supply of solar heat, from masses nearer to the sun than is the earth, when properly stated, would give, at the utmost, material for 300,000 years only, at the present rate of dissipation. He carefully guarded himself, in his original paper, frou any such charge as that brought by Huxley, for he expressly showed that a meteor supply, such as would annually make up for the sun's loss, if coming from space external to the earth's orbit, would involve such an augmentation of the sun's mass as would within the last 2000 years have dislocated the seasons by a month and a half-the observed dislocation in 2600 years being but an hour and threequarters. And he pointed out that the true test of how much of the sun's loss can be supplied by meteors at present circulating in orbits less than that of the earth is best to be determined by the perturbations of Mercury. These have been examined with great care by Leverrier; and the result is unfavourable to the existence of any supply worth taking into consideration in the study of the question before us, indicating, as it does, an amount of potential energy equivalent only to a few hundred years of solar heat. Hence, as it has been shown by Helmholtz, Thomson, and others, that if the sun's mass had been made up in the most effective manner of those chemical substances known to us, which would give the greatest possible result, the heat of combination of these could not have supplied so much as 5000 years' loss, even at the present rate of radiation; the only theory of solar heat left us is that developed by Helmholtz, which regards the sun as a hot body cooling; the heat having been produced during the falling together of its parts. The specific heat of such a mass, in consequence of the pressure to which it is subject in the interior, must be, according to Thomson's latest estimate, from 10 to 10,000 times as great as that of an equal mass of water under ordinary pressure. These limits are purposely left very wide; and they show that the sun loses by its radiation 1° F. in temperature in a period longer than four years, but less than 4000 years. Thomson ends his reply on this part of the subject with the very sensible remark: "A British jury could not, I think, be easily persuaded to disregard my present estimate by being told that I have learned something in fifteen years."

Now it is to be carefully observed, with regard to the three independent lines of argument just explained, that it is no answer to show that each is, from its very nature, somewhat vague in the results which it yields, The argument from the three is not, as Professor Huxley seems to think, only as strong as the weakest of the three; on the contrary, the reasoning is strictly cumulative, and Thomson's position cannot be successfully attacked except by a complete upsetting of at least two of his lines of argument, combined with a great enfeebling of the third. In truth, when we come to examine the question as a whole, giving its full weight to each of the separate details, we find that we may, with considerable probability, say that Natural Philosophy already points to a period of some ten or fifteen millious of years as all that can be allowed for the purposes of the geologist and paleontologist; and that it is not unlikely that, with better experimental data, this period may be still farther reduced. In fact, even Professor Huxley's enlightened concession that a limit of 100,000,000, 200,000,000 or 300,000,000 years requires no complete revolution in geological speculation (though it is matter of notoriety that to Lyell and Darwin, and to the great mass of British popular geolo gists, such periods would be of little use):

-even this concession will soon not satisfy the Natural Philosophers; who, but with the important difference of having right on their side, will soon follow up their advan tage in a manner somewhat resembling the recent behaviour of the great Yankee nation in the matter of the Alabama Claims. For, elaborate and suggestive as have been all of Thomson's articles, this great question can hardly yet be said to be more than opened; and its future progress rests quite as much with the physical experimenter as with the mathematician.

At the commencement of this article we borrowed from Milton an account of the concomitants of the preparations for a terrific combat: there we had to stop, as farther quotation might have been personal; we have seen the issue of the fight, and can now sum it up in the words of Horace, which we take to be descriptive of the triumph of Scientific Truth over all assailants, however numerous and powerful :

"Sed quid Typhoëus et validus Mimas,
aut quid minaci Porphyrion statu,
quid Rhotus, evulsisque truncis
Enceladus jaculator audax,
contra sonantem Palladis agida
possent ruentes?"

In conclusion, as the assailants named by

Horace are unfortunately all of the gigantic | 7.
order, we must supplement the passage by
again recurring to our Thersites who writes
anonymous nonsense for the Pall Mall Ga-
zette, and who bitterly attacks, without un-
derstanding them, the conclusions of one of
the greatest philosophers the world has ever
seen. That a man should be more ignorant
of Cervantes' great novel than is the merest
schoolboy, implies no blame: no more does
it imply blame that he should be so ignorant
as to consider this question as one of "Ma-
thematics versus Geology," instead of Rea-
soning versus Unreason; that he should fancy
that any disciple of Hutton and Lyell could
be content with one or two millions of years:
nor even that he should imagine that Sir W.
Thomson's arguments concerning an increase
of 15 per cent. in the earth's angular ve-
locity have something to do with the exist-
ence of life-all this is his own misfortune;
but why should he increase it by publishing
his ignorance to the few readers of the Pall
Mall Gazette who are able to distinguish be-
tween true science and venomous but absurd
attempts at smartness? Such a writer does
real harm, by preventing the popular exten-
sion of true scientific knowledge and too
often, as is the case with the present speci-
men, tries to hold up to ridicule lofty merit
which he is utterly unable to appreciate.
No true scientific man could have written
as he has done about Sir W. Thomson, cer-
tainly not in such a tone, without append-
ing at least his initials. And a genuine lit-
térateur would never have made such an ex-
hibition of himself; but would, in the shrewd
words of Professor Huxley, have endeav-
oured "to gain his cause, mainly by force of
mother-wit and common-sense, aided by train
ing in other intellectual exercises."

ART. V.-1. Holberg's Comedier i eet Bind. Udgivne ved J. LEVIN. Kjöbenhavn, 1861.

2. Holberg's Peder Paars. Udg. ved A. E. BOYE. Kjöb. 1844.

[blocks in formation]

AMONG the authors who appear at compara-
tively rare intervals in history, as the crea-
tors of literary epochs, may fairly be reck-
oned Ludvig Holberg. The name, "father
of modern Danish literature," which is gene-
rally bestowed upon him, is a plain indica-
tion of the light in which his life and labours
have been viewed by the vast majority of his
countrymen; and all acquainted with the
subject will cheerfully allow that the appel-
lation is well deserved. Before his time, in-
deed, Denmark, in common with the two
other Scandinavian countries, could vaunt
her ancient literary treasures, among the no-
blest of their kind which the world has ever
known, the Sagas, and the songs that still
charm posterity, that have so often anew
inspired the popular heart, and reawakened
the slumbering poetic impulse in times of in-
tellectual and spiritual torpor. But long
ere the birth of Holberg, or at least ere the
period of his first literary activity, the Dan-
ish people, like their brethren of the Scan-
dinavian peninsula, had learned to lose, all
too readily, the recollection of "that large
utterance of the early gods ;" and the
trumpet voices of the Eddas and the Sagas,
which, wild and half-savage though they were,
yet rang accordant with the true tones of
Nature's poetry, were buried in profound,
if temporary, oblivion. The second of the
three great periods into which we may divide
the history of Danish literature-the "La-
tin," that succeeded the previous "Icelan-
dic," was now drawing to a close, and, dur-
ing its protracted course, with the exception
of some weak reverberations of the earlier
ballad minstrelsy, it could boast of little to
attract attention or deserve respect. The
east wind of intellectual barrenness was
blighting all in Denmark. Men, when they
did write, wrote in Latin-hence the name
assigned already to the period,—and, as a
general rule, their lucubrations were of the
driest, drcariest kind imaginable. In that
special branch of literature which bas main-
ly conferred immortality on Holberg-the
department of the Comic Drama,-a begin-
niug doubtless had been made; but what
miserable abortions were the attempts of the
first Danish Dramatist, Christen Hansen, the
Odensee schoolmaster, and his successors,
Ranch and Hegelund! Rudeness, vapidity,
vulgarity, such were the literary characteris-
tics of the time. Persons of rank repudi-
ated their native language, and read exclu-
sively French and German; the literati,
such as they were, perused Latin, and wrote
Latin solely;-here, as Holberg himself ex-

3. Holberg's Niels Klim's underjordiske Reise.
Overs, af DORPH. Kjöbenhavn, 1841.
4. Hundrede og tyve af Holberg's Epistler.
Udg. ved F. FABRICIUS. Kjöbenhavn,
1858.

5. Holberg's Dannemark's Riges Historie.
Deelt udi 3 tomer. Udg. af J. LEVIN.
Kjöbenhavn, 1840.

6. Holbergiana. Smaaskrifter af og om L. Holberg. Udg. af A. E. BOYE. Kjöbenhavn, 1832-35.

claims, "is almost the only land on earth | tal, he soon accepted the situation of tutor where people are found willing to make it a and assistant to a clergyman in Norway, point of honour that they should be ignorant where, as he says, he spent a whole year in of their fathers' tongue." The literary pa-"flogging children and converting rustics," bulum of the middle classes, who gradually while, at the same time, he suffered severely advanced in power and position after the es- from various kinds of illness, both bodily tablishment of regal autocracy in 1660, and mental. He then returned to Copenha consisted simply of meagre sermons, and yet gen to pass his "second examination;"" "there more meagre chronicles, or old ballads that after studied theology, along with the modwere only a weak reflection of the sweet and ern languages, and next spring (1704) noble songs of a preceding age; songs which, underwent his theological examination with from their very sweetness and nobleness, much success. Necessity ere long obliged failed to find admission into the hearts of him to accept once more the post of tutor; the degenerate descendants of their original this time in a family at Bergen. But in the composers. Such was the state of literary house of his new employer he stumbled upon affairs in Denmark when Holberg com- a book of travels, which to such an extent menced his career. The times needed a re- aroused within him the longing to visit forformer, and in him the reformer came- eign countries, that, in spite of the earnest came with a power and energy that were advice of every one, he gave up his situa equal to the cause for which he fought tion, sold the little he possessed, and set sail throughout a long life of severe and unre- by the first ship that happened to leave the mitting toil. The result was the intellec- harbour. He never again beheld the place tual emancipation of his countrymen, and the of his nativity. laying, fast and firm, the basis on which, in due course, was erected the entire substantial edifice of modern Danish literature. Some slight account of Holberg's life and works may therefore be acceptable to those who take an interest in the development of the different national branches of later European literature, and who, although well aware of Holberg's renown as a comic dramatist, second alone to Plautus and Molière, may yet be ignorant of the immense services which he rendered, in many most important ways, not merely to the literature of his native country, but to that of the whole north of Europe.

Ludvig Holberg was born at Bergen, in Norway, on the 3d December, 1684. His father, an officer in the army, had risen from the ranks to the grade of Lieutenant Colonel, had seen foreign service, and at home distinguished himself against the Swedes, éspecially at the relief of Trondhjem in 1658. Ludvig, the youngest of twelve children, was as yet an infant when his father died. Shortly afterwards there occurred a disastrous fire, which in a single night reduced his surviving parent to poverty. She died when her son was ten years old, and the household was broken up. At this age he was, being an officer's son, enrolled as corporal in a regiment; but his desire for study was so great that his uncle by his mother's side, who felt an interest in the lad, took him to live in his own house, and sent him to the grammar-school of Bergen. When eighteen years old, Ludvig went to prosecute his studies at the University of Copenhagen, in the summer of 1702. Lacking, however, adequate means of support in the Danish capi

Holland was, in the first instance, the goal of his travels. He had a capital of sixty Danish rix-dollars, and hoped to further him self as a teacher of languages; but he speedily discovered that in Amsterdam "the most learned professors were not respected so much as was a common sea-captain." On account of his slim figure and his girlish countenance, he became the object, sometimes of admiration, sometimes of impertinent questions, as for example, "Hoor gij wel, mannetje! quando deseruisti studia tua ?"—questions which, in similar fashion, he was not slow to answer. An obstinate fever helped to exhaust his purse, and he was compelled to borrow money for the purpose of returning home. On arriving in Norway he took up his residence at Christiansand, where he soon acquired reputation as a language mas ter, especially as a teacher of French. At first, notwithstanding, he nearly gave mortal offence to many of the citizens by his love of paradox, and, in particular, by his zeal in defending a newly published work, which endeavoured to prove, by no fewer than sixty arguments, that women were not human beings; yet he abjured ere long this most ungallant heresy, and continued during his subsequent career of authorship to maintain with much ardour the social equality of the female sex. His musical talents also contributed to his popularity; and for his lin guistic acquirements he became, at least in Christiansand, as renowned as King Mithridates, who spoke twenty-two tongues." But Holberg's restless spirit would not allow him to remain; and in 1706 he undertook a voyage to England, where he lived for two years at Oxford. There he spent his time

[ocr errors]

studying in the libraries, partly Church his- | tory, partly modern history, and the law of nations; he held familiar intercourse with the students, and became in many ways acquainted with the various aspects of English life. At first he and a fellow-countryman, who had been his travelling companion, were forced to live so parsimoniously that for a whole quarter of a year they only every fourth day tasted animal food--a mode of diet which was quite congenial to Holberg's constitution, but which brought his comrade to the verge of despair, so that Ludvig had to console him with the words of the sage Bion, "It is unreasonable to tear the hair for sorrow, as if sorrow could be cured by baldness." Ere long he managed to support himself as teacher of foreign languages and flute-playing; in musical society his presence was indispensable. He pursued bis own quiet path, during a lengthened period, bearing the name of "Myn Heer," which title some persons had heard given to him by his barber, who believed him to be a German, and wished to show his own knowledge of the language. As there was no evil intention in such a misnomer, Holberg never heeded to correct it, and his real name would scarcely have been discovered if he had not by accident met an English student called Holber, with whom he forthwith formed acquaintance as a namesake, and perhaps a relative, through one of his ancestors who had sailed to England along with Canute the Great. By the Oxford students Holberg was greatly liked. When he was preparing to depart, one of them came to him as a deputy from Magdalen College, and offered him a considerable sum of money to defray the expenses of his journey; but with grateful thanks he declined their friendly proffer. From London he sailed in a Swedish ship to Elsinore, and thence walked on foot to Copenhagen, arriving there in the summer of 1708.

therewith connected. Now, at last, he had
more leisure for his studies. The duty
which devolved upon him, of taking part in
academical exercises, he discharged by com-
posing Latin declamationes, all relating to sub-
jects with which he was practically acquaint-
ed: scientific travels in foreign regions,
history, music, and languages. He lived,
both from choice and necessity, in a very
frugal manner, and made frequent pedestrian
excursions for the sake of his health, but
otherwise dwelt entirely among his books.
At the age of twenty-seven he published his
first work, for which he had gathered mate-
rials in Oxford, Introduction to the History
of the European Kingdoms (1711), and after-
wards a statistical appendix to the same. A
treatise, on the Achievements of Christian the
Fourth and Frederick the Third, composed,
like the former, "for the use of the Crown
Prince," and sent in manuscript to King
Frederick the Fourth, procured the nomina-
tion of its author as Professor Extraordi-
narius" in 1714, to the chagrin of the learn-
ed pedants of the day, who refused to rank
him with the rightful Academici. Shortly
before he had been assigned a stipend of one
hundred rix-dollars for four years, and on
the strength of this meagre income he under-
took, in the spring of 1714, his fourth and
longest foreign journey. Having first pro-
ceeded to Holland, he walked all the way to
Paris; and, although so long a teacher of
languages, he had such difficulty in making,
himself understood, that he sometimes heard
the people say, Il parle Français comme un
cheval Allemand. By degrees he formed
acquaintances as well with various Parisians.
as with some of his countrymen who resided
in the capital. He was an assiduous frequent-
er of the libraries, and saw all that was to
be seen in the city. Sometimes he attended
the public tribunals to hear the pleadings, of
the advocates, sometimes he was present at
public discussions on the advantages of the
Catholic religion, and about this latter point
he had also many private disputations. After
residing a year and a half in Paris he hap-
pened to be informed by a French student
that one could travel to Rome for twenty
rix-dollars, and Holberg was not able to re-
sist the temptation of such a journey. He
started forthwith for the Eternal City, pro-
vided with a passport, in which he was de-
scribed as Mikkel Rög of Aix-la-Chapelle;
and that was the name he bore during his
Italian expedition. Arrived at Genoa, he
was assailed by a dangerous fever, and be-
lieved himself to be dying.
In his helpless

Here he thought of commencing as public lecturer, and actually began a series of discourses on what he had witnessed in foreign countries. Hearers he had in plenty, but when the time for paying their instructor came, they suddenly, to his mortification, vanished; his only recompense was a low bow when he chanced to meet any of them on the street. Most opportunely, however, at this crisis, he was offered, and accepted, the appointment of travelling-tutor to a young man about to visit Germany-a country which in general seems to have had less attraction for Holberg than some other lands. On his return he was fortunate enough to re-state, and under the roof of an extortionate ceive free residence in Borch's Collegium for landlord, who, every time that "Signor Recfive years, and, in addition, a small salary co" was prostrated by illness, reckoned tanto

« ПредыдущаяПродолжить »