however strong the determination of the Societies, the loss of her guiding spirit lay heavily on the work everywhere. The Manchester Committee was for a time as a body paralyzed. The Central Committee suffered grievously by the absence of her political acumen and knowledge of Parliamentary procedure, of which—as Mr. Courtney, himself a master of procedure, had said -she had a complete mastery.

The Journal, by means of which the workers had been kept in touch with the general news and with each other, and to which all turned as the guide to a common policy, was but scantily replaced by the Occasional Papers, issued at uncertain intervals from the office in Great College Street.

To members of Parliament, to the general public, to workers in the Colonies and United States, and indeed in every place where the question was alive, Miss Becker had been the visible head of the British movement.

PART V.

FROM 1890 TO 1901.

CHAPTER XI.

RENEWED ENDEAVOURS.

§ 41. New Developments.

THE difficulty of obtaining a day for second reading of the Women's Franchise Bill pursued the proceedings of the session of 1891, and many fears were entertained that the Wednesday-May 13-on which Mr. Woodall had obtained a place, might be sacrificed to the Whitsuntide holidays. It was sacrificed indeed, but in a manner no one could have foreseen.

Meantime, in the face of such a possibility, Mr. W. H. Smith, First Lord of the Treasury, consented to receive a deputation, introduced, on April 20th, by Viscount Wolmer. The deputation (viz., Mrs. Fawcett, Lady Goldsmid, Miss Emily Davies and Miss Blackburn) presented a memorial bearing the signatures of a number of

members of Parliament and other influential supporters, both men and women. The memorial pointed out that the most representative political gatherings that had taken place during the past seven years had affirmed the principle of Women's Suffrage.1

1 List of the various occasions on which resolutions in favour of extending the Parliamentary franchise to women, have been passed by representative gatherings of political organizations from 1883 to 1896.

The following were referred to in the memorial:

Parliamentary Reform Conference (Leeds, 17th Oct. 1883), representing the London and Counties Union, the National Liberal Federation and the National Reform Union, by a large majority. National Liberal Federation, Annual Meeting (Bristol, November 1883).

National Reform Union, Annual Conference (Manchester, January 1884), by a large majority.

National Union of Conservative Associations of Scotland, Annual Conference (Glasgow, 1887), by a large majority.

National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations, Annual Conference (Oxford, November 1887).

Welsh Division of the National Union of Conservative Associations (Swansea, February 1888), with two dissentients.

National Reform Union, Annual Meeting of General Council (Manchester, 22nd May 1889).

Conservative party of North Devon Conference (Barnstaple, May 1889), by an overwhelming majority.

Lancashire and Cheshire Division of the National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations (Council Meeting at Lancaster, 29th June 1889), with one dissentient.

Northern Union of Conservative Associations, Annual Meeting (Newcastle-on-Tyne, 15th November 1889).

National Union of Conservative Associations of Scotland, Conference (Dundee, 14th November 1889), by a very large majority.

Birmingham Liberal Association, General Councils of "the Two Thousand" (Birmingham, 21st January 1891), with one dissentient. For convenience of reference the resolutions of subsequent years may be added here :

National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations,

The memorial pointed out the difficulty that had been experienced in obtaining a debate since the second reading in 1886, and prayed that the day appointed might be reserved for the discussion of a measure which suffered under the special disadvantage that those whom it chiefly concerned had no voting power with which to fortify their claim. The First Lord of the Treasury assured the deputation that, unforeseen contingencies apart, he had no intention of taking the day.

The Committee of Parliamentary friends met that afternoon, and on learning the result of the deputation, resolved to proceed with the Bill, and Mr. Haldane withdrew the resolution of which he had given notice as an alternative resource. On April 30th Mr. W. H. Smith moved that certain specified days should be appropriated to Government business. Mr. Gladstone insisted that Mr. Smith "should be perfectly uniform in the application of his rule," and take all Wednesdays or none. This proposal on the part of Mr. Gladstone afforded a manifest opportunity for shelving the Women's Franchise Bill. A debate of nearly an hour ensued. Finally, by a vote of 218 to 150 the Government had an unasked-for Wednesday forced upon them. The division shows a remarkable distribution of votesAnnual Conference (Birmingham, 23rd November 1891), for the second time, with a large majority.

Scottish Branch of the Primrose League, Annual Meeting of the Grand Habitation (Edinburgh, 30th October 1891), unanimously.

National Union of Conservative Associations of Scotland, Annual Conference (Edinburgh, 8th November 1892), for the second time, unanimously.

National Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations (Newcastle-on-Tyne, April 1894), for the third time, with one dissentient.

the minority including 128 Conservatives as against 79 in the majority; the Gladstonian Liberals 27 in the minority as against 90 in the majority; the remainder being divided between Liberal Unionists and Nationalists-but in truth it was a snatch vote; many friends were absent. The whole story is so aptly summed up in Punch's Essence of Parliament that it cannot be better presented than in the words of that mirror of the passing day.

"Thursday-A pretty little game on to-night. Old Morality moved his Resolution taking power to appropriate Tuesday and Friday evening sittings, and all Wednesday for Irish Land Bill. In ordinary circumstances there would have been a stormy protest led from Front Opposition Bench against this inroad on time of private members. Other fish to fry to-night. Wednesday week assigned for second reading of Women's Suffrage Bill; if Government take that day for Irish Land Bill, obviously can't be utilized for furtherance of Woman's Rights.

"This is an awkward question for some members; don't like it, but daren't vote against it. Here's opportunity for getting rid of it by side-wind.

"Not necessary in arranging proceedings to mention Suffrage Bill, or even Wednesday, 13th of May.

"It was principle for which members'struggled; the 'principle of uniformity,' as Mr. G. beautifully put it. Let us,' he said, though perhaps not quite in this phrase, 'go the whole hog or none; take all the Wednesdays, or leave them.'

"I'm inclined,' said Mr. Woodall, 'as a rule, to take kindly views of my fellow-men, to put the best construction upon their actions; but, upon my word, I'm not satisfied in my own mind that we advocates of Woman's Rights have not been made the victims of deep and dastardly design.'

"Order! Order!' said Courtney; " no more am I.'

"Business done-Woman's Rights men dished."