Before the summer was over, however, Lord Salisbury gave some compensating balance when he said, at the dinner of the United Club on July 15th: "I am bound, for the sake of record, and not to seem to have altered my opinion, to say that in my judgment whenever the question of the franchise is brought up, the question of releasing the restrictions which are now imposed on the voting of women will have to be considered."

Again, the words of Mr. A. J. Balfour, when addressing a large meeting of Unionists in the Theatre Hall, Bury, on October 22nd, were emphatic. "If you really mean to go in and deal with the anomalies of representation in the spirit of statesmen, you are bound to have Women's Suffrage."

Then in November came the enthusiastic vote of the National Union of Conservative Associations, who held their gathering that year in the Masonic Hall, Birmingham, on November 23rd, under the presidency of Mr. H. Byron Reed, M.P.

During the morning Conference Viscount Fielding moved: "That this Conference is of opinion that, when the question of representation of the people is reopened by Parliament, serious consideration should be given to the claims of women to be admitted to the franchise when entitled by ownership or occupation." In the short but comprehensive speech in which Viscount Fielding moved this resolution, he laid special stress on the prominence of labour questions, and their vital importance for the vast numbers of women employed in trades and in textile and other industries who would

be vitally affected by legislation on labour, trade and social questions.

Mr. James Rankin, M.P., having briefly seconded, the chairman stated that Mrs. Fawcett was present in the hall, and he begged to move that the Conference should hear her. The Conference then gave Mrs. Fawcett an enthusiastic reception as she came on the platform, accompanied by Mrs. Ashworth Hallett; and after listening to her statement of the nature and hope of the claim the Women's Suffrage Societies uphold, the resolution was carried by a large majority.

§ 42. The Debate of 1892.

A reflex encouragement from that vote in Birmingham certainly made itself felt amongst the members of the Committee of Parliamentary friends, who met at the summons of the Honorary Secretaries at the opening of the session. Following the lines of the Birmingham resolution, it was agreed, at the instance of Sir Algernon Borthwick (Lord Glenesk), to introduce a Bill for extending the Parliamentary franchise to women on the local government registers. It was further agreed to try and obtain a day by a plural ballot. This indicates how much change Parliamentary procedure had undergone the present writer well remembers how, about three years before, a trusted and steady friend on the Conservative side of the House, talking with Miss Becker in the lobby of the House of Commons, advised her to ask many members to ballot for the Bill. It sounded unparliamentary-nay, almost tricky to us then.

Soon after Mr. Woodall joined us, and Miss Becker told him what had been advised. He instantly replied: no; he would have none of it-it was not Parliamentary; but here in the Committee of M.P.'s themselves the action was deliberately resolved on. Sir Algernon Borthwick took immediate charge of the measure, and collected many promises to ballot. The best place was drawn by Sir Albert K. Rollit, who then took the Bill into his hands, and under his vigorous lead a debate of remarkably earnest and well-toned character took place on April 27th, Sir Albert Rollit opening with a clear and comprehensive statement of the question as a whole, and then a practical presentment of the special points of the Bill. Mr. Woodall seconded. Mr. Samuel Smith led, Prof. Bryce seconded, the opposition; Mr. Asquith and Sir Henry James also spoke against, while Mr. Wyndham, Mr. Courtney and Mr. A. J. Balfour supported the Bill; the latter concluding with the important declaration that when any further alteration of the franchise was brought up, "they would have to face and deal with the problem of Women's Suffrage, and deal with it in a complete fashion."

The division, which showed 152 for, 175 against, came as a surprise to both friends and foes. So vigorous had been the opposition that a very much larger hostile majority than twenty-three had been anticipated. The exertions of the opponents were beyond all precedent. First, they had tried to prolong the Easter recess over the 27th; but this met no encouragement from the leader of the House. Then they sent out a whip, signed by ten members on each side of the House,

earnestly requesting the presence of members, not later than 4.30, to vote against the measure. More than this, Mr. Gladstone had addressed a letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, which was widely circulated. The letter indeed only set forth the objections which had been heard in every debate-but the name of Mr. Gladstone lent its aid, there can be no doubt, in deterring

votes.

Whatever its effect in the House, this letter had the effect of arousing a strong feeling of indignation amongst many women of the Liberal party, and added warmth to the discussion at the Annual General Meeting of the Women's Liberal Federation, a few weeks later, as to how far the question should be taken up by the Federation-and it was thenceforth admitted as a specified subject on their programme, though not as yet made what is known as a "test" question.

The Annual Meeting of the Central Committee followed on May 31st, Sir Algernon Borthwick presiding. Mr. George Wyndham, Prof. Jebb, and Lady Knightley all spoke for the first time on the platform of the Society.

§ 43. The Appeal from Women.

"AN APPEAL FROM WOMEN

OF ALL PARTIES AND ALL CLASSES.

"To the Members of the House of Commons.

"GENTLEMEN,-Many of the women who sign this appeal differ in opinion on other political questions, but all are of one mind that the continued denial of the franchise to women, while it is at the same time being gradually extended amongst men, is at once unjust and inexpedient.

"In our homes it fosters the impression that women's opinion, on questions of public interest is of no value to the nation, while the fact of women having no votes lessens the representative character of the House of Commons.

"In the factory and workshop it places power to restrict women's work in the hands of men who are working alongside of women whom they too often treat as rivals rather than as fellow-workers. "In Parliament it prevents men from realizing how one-sided are many of the laws affecting women.

"We therefore earnestly beg you to support any well-considered measure for the extension of the Parliamentary franchise to

The debate of 1892 sent a thrill of fresh life through the Committees. Now came the question how to sustain and utilize the reviving energy.

Those who are unable to give force to their opinions through the power of the vote have always the constitutional right of petition, as a means of appealing to the governing authority. Petitions have, however, of late