years lost their significance. The very ease with which they can be prepared, thanks to facilities of printing and post-office arrangements, has brought them into discredit. They seem now to savour of the mechanical process, rather than to convey a spontaneous expression. They are very rarely read out to the House, as should become a petition worthy to be presented to the august assembly of elected legislators-they are, as a rule, presented in a perfunctory way, seen only by the M.P. who presents them, laid on the table, and swept off with briefest record in the Report of Petitions.

A scheme was therefore this year formulated in the office at 10 Great College Street for a general appeal from women throughout the United Kingdom, which should testify to the personal interest taken by the collectors and should bring the whole mass of signatures under the attention of each member.

The scheme was well received by the workers for suffrage-so well indeed that the first arrangements proposed were modified so as to place the working of the appeal in the hands of a Special Committee, constituted specially for this purpose, consisting of persons connected with various women's organizations, and with a temporary office and offices of its own. The arrangement was cumbersome in its working, but led to greater interest being taken by many prominent workers in other directions, and eventually led up to the combined Parliamentary Committee, which was the precursor of the reorganization of the Societies into a national union in the autumn of 1897.

The small books for collecting signatures circulated

far and wide, penetrating into many a remote corner. Then, as they returned eventually to the Appeal Office, filled with signatures, these were sorted into their constituencies and pasted on sheets, so as to be formed into volumes county by county. Three thousand five hundred persons had helped in collecting the names, and 140 meetings had been held—some in drawing-rooms, some in cottages, some in public rooms-at which new workers were enlisted and signatures obtained. So that by the session of 1894, when it had been proposed that the appeal should be presented, the aggregate of signatures amounted to 248,000. The Committee felt satisfied that the appeal had fulfilled their original hope, and had received the support of women of all classes, parties and occupations. It was difficult amongst such numbers to trace all the special names of note, but the signatures included the heads of nearly all the colleges for women and of a large proportion of the head mistresses of High and other Public Schools for girls, and of women serving on Boards of Guardians and School Boards. The leading women in the medical profession signed, and a number of the most eminent in literature and art, besides many of wide social influence, and many leading workers in the various movements for general well-being.1

Now came the solemn question of the mode of presentation. Miss Becker had often said that if women could plead their own cause at the Bar of the House, it would be speedily granted. Would it be possible that this appeal, from such a mass of women, and representative of all parts of the country and all classes of the com1 Report of the Appeal Committee, July 1894.

munity, might be presented, by ladies delegated from the Special Committee, at the Bar of the House? At least the question might be asked, and Lord Wolmer placed the matter before Mr. Speaker Peel. But there was no precedent. The most careful search through the Commons Journals had yielded none which precisely fitted, and the Speaker demurred to create what might be construed into an inconvenient precedent. How could the unrepresented appellants enforce their plea contrary to precedent? Miss Becker's powerful mind. might have been able to convince to the contrary and show this was a wholly unique occasion, one which it was inconceivable should create a precedent in a constitutional country-for they were the only body of persons who could lay their claim as an unrepresented half of the adult community. But as things were, the only course open was to ask that when Viscount Wolmer's instruction on the Registration Bill came forward, the appeal might be placed within the precincts of the House, so that it might be seen and examined by members. A petition, signed by all the members of the Special Appeal Committee,1 was prepared for presentation to the House

1The members of the Special Appeal Committee were :— were :-(England)— President, Mrs. Fawcett; Treasurer, Mrs. Frank Morrison. The Lady Frances Balfour, Miss Balfour, Miss Helen Blackburn, Mrs. Leonard Courtney, The Lady Knightley, Mrs. Eva M'Laren, Mrs. Massingberd, Miss Mordan, Mrs. Wynford Philipps, Mrs. Broadley Reid, The Lady Henry Somerset, Mrs. T. Taylor (Chipchase), Miss Vernon. (Scotland) -Hon. President, The Rt. Hon. the Countess of Aberdeen; President, Mrs. Priscilla Bright M'Laren. The Lady Frances Balfour, Miss Balfour, Miss M. Cunninghame, Mrs. Muir Dowie, Mrs. Lindsay Forbes, Miss E. Scott Kirkland, Miss Lees, Miss Methven, Miss Flora Stevenson, Miss Louisa Stevenson, Mrs. Lang Todd, Miss Wigham.

of Commons when the time came, praying their consideration of the document.

The Speaker gave permission that at the proposed time the appeal should be placed in the Library of the House. However, it became apparent that there was no hope of the Registration Bill reaching the stage for an instruction that session, so that all these arrangements were deferred, and the further fortunes of the Appeal come into this story again in 1896.

§ 44. A Mixed Record.

The Parliament elected in July 1892 has the distinction of being the only Parliament elected since this agitation began in which no debate took place on the measure. This may be attributable to the short life of the Parliament; it is certainly not due to any falling off of friendly members. The ratio of known friends exceeded the ratio of known opponents as heretofore, both amongst former members re-elected and amongst newly elected members. In addition to this, the Societies had cause for great satisfaction, in that, when the session of 1893 opened, they were able to announce that Viscount Wolmer, M.P., had consented to take the Parliamentary leadership. This was in itself an assurance that no opportunity would pass unheeded.

The Committee of Parliamentary friends was not formally reconstituted, but it was understood that they would be called together whenever a meeting should be found advisable. The hopes of the leaders in this Parliament centred chiefly on the Registration Bill

introduced by the Government, as affording opportunity for moving an amendment providing for the registration of women. Accordingly, as soon as the ruling of the Speaker allowed that such an amendment would be in order, Lord Wolmer gave notice to move in Committee "that it be an instruction to the Committee that they have power to deal with the registration of women." Meantime, an effort had been made for a Bill, Mr. Charles M'Laren obtaining a second place-but he was preceded by the Rating of Machinery Bill, which proved to be a machine capable of being utilized for crowding out the Suffrage Bill.

In 1894 the Registration Bill again provided the only loophole, but it was not destined to reach Committee stage. The session of 1895 was equally barren, and that from a reason of a peculiarly vexatious description -the illusory tactics of misguided friends of the suffrage cause. Here, perhaps, a few words should be said of a difficulty which greatly embarrassed the work at this period, even though in a certain sense it might seem like a sign of vigour, inasmuch as it is a sign of exuberant life when coteries crop up in many directions with intent to do service to a cause. Such coteries may be of much value working in their own sets, even when the magnificence of their titles seems disproportionate to the modesty of their numbers. But when such coteries force themselves into the lobbies of the House panoplied with a self-confidence only to be equalled by their inexperience, then indeed the consequences are disastrous. M.P.'s are irritated, the Press and the public are puzzled, and all suppose that these foolish