for the interests and wishes of women, or will stir a step to do them justice. With this firm conviction, their profession of liberalism and desire for government founded on popular consent and the principles of justice sound a mockery and command none of my sympathy. "That which is a 'great principle' applied to men becomes a 'crotchet' when women claim the benefit of it. The Liberal party is more tractable-that is all, and a part of it gives us a mild kind of half-contemptuous approval. Mr. Mill, your husband and a few others are in earnest in trying to remedy the wrong, but not so the bulk of the party. However, I expect a different spirit will come over them soon." Speaking of the attitude of women happy in their own surroundings: "You say rightly that many women who are happy in their own position are apt to forget that others are not so fortunate-yet it is in truth the happy women who should be most anxious to devote themselves to our cause. However miserable a woman may be, if she makes that the ground of agitating for an amelioration of the condition of the sex-though she is undoubtedly right in so doing, yet it may be said that self-seeking is at the bottom of her efforts. But when women who have nothing to ask for, as far as they are personally concerned, exert themselves in the cause of their suffering sisters the voice of reproach is silenced. Let not the cry of the degraded and heartbroken go forth in vain to the ear of those whose lot is happier. In our little band of workers and leaders the most earnest are those whose own domestic bliss is perfect. We want to make this band larger, and sinking all minor differences, join hands with all who strive for the elevation of women." The relation of the women of the upper class to the movement is thus sketched in a letter :: "Is the industrial school you speak of, for girls? I should be interested in such an institution. But what we want to help women, is to bring women of the upper classes into the active concerns of life-women of the lower classes have nearly as good a chance of maintaining themselves in an independent position as men, at least in the manufacturing districts. What I most desire is to see men and women of the middle classes stand on the same terms of equality as prevail in the working classes and the highest aristocracy. A great lady or a factory woman are independent persons-personages—the women of the middle classes are nobodies, and if they act for themselves they lose caste! "Nothing can go right without the union of the full force and intellect of all sections of society. The inert mass of deadness to public interest-what is everybody's business is nobody's business-is the bane of national and personal nobleness. This is fostered by inculcating the duty of indifference on women-and they drag down the men to their own enforced level of stagnation." The following expresses her ideal of the marriage relation: "I think that the notion that the husband ought to have headship or authority over his wife, is the root of all social evils. It is a doctrine demoralizing alike to men and women. Husband and wife should be co-ordinate and co-equal, each owing to the other entire personal service and devotion, their obligations being strictly reciprocal and mutual. In a happy marriage, there is no question of obedience' or which shall be 'paramount'; in an unhappy marriage a claim to authority only embitters strife. Brothers, sisters or partners, can contrive to exist in Society without the law declaring that one owes obedience to the other; why not husband and wife?" To a correspondent who had asked if she thought the study of politics would make our countrywomen less frivolous or better mothers, and ensure for the next generation a better race of human beings, she replies:"I do not like to assent to general charges of frivolity against our countrywomen. I do not believe that women are more frivolous than men-if there is a difference, I believe that of the two women are rather more earnest and serious; and the frivolities of men, such as horse-racing and dissipation, are far more injurious to Society than any practice of women. "To the last part of the question I answer most emphatically 'yes'; it would be worth while to take all these pains to enfranchise them." PART III. FROM THE REFORM ACT OF 1867 TO THE REFORM ACT OF 1884. CHAPTER IV. PIONEER WORK. § 10. Two Pioneer Groups. THE spirit in which the women who were the pioneers of the Suffrage movement, approached their life's work, can hardly be better realized than by the following passages from the two lectures by Mrs. Jameson which breathed the breath of organized life into their labours. The first extract is from "Sisters of Charity," a lecture delivered privately on 14th February 1855 and printed by request. "It is not charity, nor energy, nor intelligence which are wanting in our women, any more than dauntless bravery in our men. But something is wanting, or surely from so much good material more positive and extended social benefit would arise. "What is wanting is more moral courage, more common sense on the part of our legislators. |