CHAPTER X. CARTWRIGHT AND THE NEW DISCIPLINE. THE RHEMISH TRANSLATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. THOMAS CARTWRIGHT SOLICITED TO CONFUTE IT. HIS RETURN TO ENGLAND. - HIS ARREST, IMPRISONMENT, AND RELEASE. - INTERVIEW BETWEEN CARTWRIGHT AND WHITGIFT. CARTWRIGHT PREFERRED TO THE HOSPITAL AT WARWICK. SUMMONED TO ANSWER CHARGES. DISMISSED WITHOUT CENSURE.-FORBIDDEN TO PURSUE HIS CONFUTATION OF THE RHEMISH TESTAMENT. — PERSISTS IN IT AT INTERVALS. HIS CONNECTION WITH THE PURITAN "BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.” - THE SUBSCRIPTION TO THAT BOOK. SUBSCRIBERS TO IT; MANY OF THEM CONFORMISTS. THE NATURE AND DOINGS OF THE PRESBYTERIAN "ASSEMBLIES.” 1585-1589. IN the year 15821 the Romanists, annoyed by the influence of the Bible in the English tongue, and finding it impossible longer to withhold it from the common people, published an English version of the New Testament. But this was not a translation from the original Greek, which they pretended had been corrupted,2- but a translation of a Latin translation called the Vulgate, containing, as every Biblical scholar knows, many corruptions and defects.3 The object of issuing this English 1 Horne's Introduction, II. 246. 2 Strype's Annals, VI. 289. 3 The original of the Vulgate version of the entire Scriptures was probably made in the second century. But before the close of the fourth century it had become much corrupted by the errors of transcribers. About that time Jerome undertook to correct these errors by translating from the original languages of the Bible into the Latin. His version, far superior to all preceding ones in the Latin tongue, 1 version - called the Rhemish translation, because issued from the English Seminary at Rheims 1 was to bring the Protestant English version into disrepute, and to insinuate, not only by its inaccurate text, but by its marginal annotations, the corruptions of the Church of Rome. It was evident that the errors and sophistical comments of this book ought to be fully and publicly exposed. Queen Elizabeth requested Beza then residing at Geneva as Calvin's successor 2— received the approbation of Pope Gregory I. about the beginning of the seventh century; since which time it has been adopted by the Romish Church, under the name of the Vulgate Version. A decree of the Council of Trent declared it "authentic," a vague term, and ordered that no other version should be read in public or be appealed to as authority. "Upon this ground," says Bishop Lowth, "many contended that the Vulgate Version was dictated by the Holy Spirit; at least was providentially guarded of all error; was consequently of divine authority, and more to be regarded than even the original Hebrew and Greek texts. And in effect, the decrees of the Council, however limited and moderated by the explanation of some of their more judicious divines, has given to the Vulgate such a high degree of authority that.... the translation has taken place of the original.” In process of time Jerome's version became exceedingly corrupted by the errors of transcribers, so that it was found necessary to publish a corrected edition. This was done by several divines of Louvaine, who published their version in 1573. 1 Strype's Annals, VI. 287. to prosecute the task. But he declined it, replying that one of her own subjects, Thomas Cartwright, was far better qualified for it than himself.1 Sir Francis Walsingham then wrote to Mr. Cartwright, an exile from his country since the order for his arrest in 1573,2 urging him to write a Confutation of the Rhemish Testament, sending him from his own purse one hundred pounds for the purchase of books and for other expenses of the work, and assuring him of such further aid as might be necessary. This was in the year 1583; and it is intimated that the Secretary's action was with the knowledge and approval of the queen.3 At the same time Mr. Cartwright was solicited to the same work "by the most learned men of the University of Cambridge," and by the clergy of London and Suffolk. Before being thus addressed, Mr. Cartwright was well aware of the importance of the undertaking proposed, and was doubtless 1 Middleton, II. 331. Pierce, 101. Brook, II. 148. Marsden, 171. 2 Ante, Vol. I. pp. 452, 453. 3 Publisher's Preface to Cartwright's "Confutation." Fuller, Book IX. p. 171. * Publisher's Preface. I have a translation of their letter from the original Latin; and have been strongly tempted to insert it here; not only because of its elegance of style, but because it shows the profound respect in which Mr. Cartwright was held by the most accomplished scholars of his day. But my limits oblige me to omit it. I find it in the Publisher's Preface to Cartwright's "Confutation of the of this work from the Preface to which I have made the above extract is of the first edition ever published. It was printed in the year 1618, thirteen years after Mr. Cartwright's death. It is the only copy which I have been able to find, and has been furnished to me by the voluntary courtesy of the Rev. George Allen, of Worcester, being one of the volumes of his choice private library. It is a folio of 778 pages, very compactly printed; and is the best specimen of the typography of those times which I have seen. conscious of his own ability to prosecute it; "yet humility and modesty made him stay until he was in some sort enforced unto the labor." 1 After receiving these several appeals, how could the exile refuse? "He buckled himself to the employment, and was very forward in the pursuance thereof”; for while engaged in it "he allowed himself but five hours' sleep in the night, rising at two o'clock in the morning to resume his labors."3 5 2 Early in the summer of 1585, as nearly as we can ascertain, three men in clerical garb were passing from a small vessel, which had just been moored at one of the quays in London. Two of them were in friendly attendance upon the third, a man of about fifty years of age, whose countenance indicated a large intellect and a cheerful heart. He was pale and emaciated, and his step was feeble, like that of one "in a weak and languishing condition." But the fire of his eye was not abated, and the tones of his voice, like the mild smile upon his face, betokened alike a grave and a genial spirit. He proceeded but slowly, relying upon the arms of his friends for that support which his own limbs refused him. Yet his words and looks were of gladness, and even of merriment, such as you might expect from one who for more than ten years had not set foot on his native island. He was a man of profound erudition, this Thomas Cartwright, an original and independent thinker; an eloquent, because earnest and instructive, preacher 1 Publisher's Preface. 3 Publisher's Preface. 326. Brook, II. 136. Middleton, II. 5 Neal, I. 176. 3 of the Gospel of grace. We have before introduced him as the first public assailant of the hierarchy.1 We have also stated that he had fled his country to avoid the execution of an order "to seize his body, and to bring him before her Majesty's Commissioners, for his unlawful dealings and demeanors touching religion and the estate of the realm."2 For a while he had resided at Heidelberg, where he had published a Latin treatise in defence of the new Discipline. In the year 1576 he had been invited by the French Protestants in the islands of Guernsey and Jersey the only places in the kingdom where the High Commissioners did not exercise jurisdiction to assist their ministers in organizing their church upon the Presbyterian plan. Thence he had returned to Antwerp to re-assume the office of preacher to the English merchants there. During the last five years he had been there, and thus employed.5 While residing abroad upon this and a former occasion, he had formed acquaintance with the most eminent Christian scholars on the Continent, such as Theodore Beza and Francis Junius, in whose esteem he stood so high that they considered themselves honored by his friendship. "Here is now with us your countryman, Thomas Cartwright," - Beza had written to an English correspondent, -"than whom I think the sun doth not see a more learned man.”7 1 Ante, Vol. I. p. 410. 2 Ibid., 452, 453. 3 5 Brook, I. 410; II. 143, 146. Sandys to Gualter; Zurich Let- 143. ters, No. CCIII. and note 4. This fact is explained, in part at least, by Collier (VII. 371, 372). 7 Zurich Letters, p. 479, note 3. Middleton, II. 329. Marsden, 168. |