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staid the execution of their rigorous sentence, even before she knew their innocence, so she, who had never desired, and loathly shed, the blood of her greatest enemies, would freely and fully pardon their execution, being her loyal, Christian, and innocent subjects, especially if her Majesty might be truly informed of the things that had passed. Such, too, was the belief of the suffering church of the Separatists. "We speak," said they, "of her Majesty's imitation of God in mercy; in which some may consider us liars or flatterers. But we are persuaded that their reprieve " that of Barrow and Greenwood" was in mercy; and that their execution soon after was rather importuned and hastened by others, than easily consented unto by her Grace,

for hath she not always been merciful to her veriest enemies? Therefore, hereupon it fell out."2 Penry also, after his sentence of death, expressed the same sentiments. "I am assured that, if her Majesty may understand the uprightness of my cause in any sort, one hair of my head shall not perish." 3

Who, then, was guilty of the blood of Barrow, Greenwood, and Penry? As we have stated, Mr. Barrow predicted, more than two years before the prediction was verified, that the Archbishop was resolved upon his death and Greenwood's. If we may credit the words of the Bishop of London, in a Paper written by order of his Grace, it was coolly planned by these two prelates, under

1 Barrow to the Countess

3 Strype's Whitgift, Appendix,

Waddington's Penry, 258, note; p. 179. Memorial of Church to Lord Mayor.

advice from both Chief Justices, to prosecute these "sectaries according to the course of common law" -the bishops wishing to avert the odium from themselves - if they should not recant; coolly planned also to worm from them opinions, "under pretence of charitable Christian conference," which might be used, should occasion require, to facilitate and insure their conviction. And if we may credit Mr. Barrow, the prelates themselves had procured their indictment 2 under that elastic, fatal Statute of 23 Elizabeth which was originally intended to bear only upon the Papists. These steps having been taken, conviction procured, and sentence pronounced, access to her Majesty's mercy-seat was so rigidly guarded that even a poor widow was imprisoned for conniving at a petition for Penry's comfort; the Master of Requests was suborned to suppress all supplications to her Highness; and "false informations and suggestions" were whispered in her ears against these and all other prisoners ecclesiastical. In all the affairs of ecclesiastical offenders or convicts, we know that the influence of the Archbishop in the Council-chamber, whence emanated all reprieves, and where all orders for executions were controlled, was so adverse to mercy as to baffle, disgust, and discourage the Lord Treasurer himself. We know that when the House of Commons frowned upon a bill making it "felony to maintain any opinions against the ecclesiastical government," - a bill pressed by the bishops, with

1 Ante, p. 501, note 5.
2 Barrow to the Countess

3 Ante, Vol. II. p. 193.

wright to Lady Russel. Waddington's Penry, 246; Cartwright and others to Burleigh. Ibid., 249;

Strype's Annals, VII. 70; Cart- Barrow to Fisher.

next day

Canterbury at their head, the very next after the opposition became known, early in the morning, Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood were "trussed up." We know that thereupon it became the general opinion, that "their execution proceeded of malice of the bishops," Canterbury able to command a death-warrant,-"to spite the nether House." We know that the Archbishop was foremost to sign the death-warrant of Penry, and that he justified the execution of the others. And finally, we know that it was then the universal opinion, that "the bishops and the High Commissioners were at the bottom of all these proceedings.

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When we group all these facts, and keep in remembrance his dominant influence within his own department in the Council-chamber, we think we have more than strong presumptive evidence that, had it not been for the perverted conscience, the blind policy, and the monstrous ethics of Whitgift, had his "little finger" made one sign of mercy, these men would not so have died. We are forced to the conviction, that the one chiefly responsible for their blood was the very man who pronounced them "SERVANTS OF GOD."

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CHAPTER XVI.

THE PARLIAMENT OF 1592-3.

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DEATH OF THE LORD CHANCELLOR HATTON. THE GREAT SEAL COMMITTED TO SIR JOHN PUCKERING AS "LORD KEEPER." MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. OPENING SPEECH OF THE LORD KEEPER. HIS REPLY TO THE PETITIONS OF THE SPEAKER. PETER WENTWORTH. HE AND OTHERS IMPRISONED. JAMES MORRICE; HIS TREATISE AGAINST THE HIGH COURT OF COMMISSION. INTRODUCES THE SAME SUBJECT TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE COMMONS. DEBATE UPON IT. THE QUEEN'S MESSAGE CONCERNING IT. MORRICE COMMITTED TO PRISON. MOTION TO PETITION FOR RELEASE OF IMPRISONED MEMBERS. BILL FOR REDUCING DISLOYAL SUBJECTS TO THEIR DUE OBEDIENCE. DEBATE UPON IT. PASSED WITH AMENDMENTS. AN ABSTRACT OF THE BILL. A BILL AGAINST POPISH RECUSANTS. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH AT THE CLOSE OF PARLIAMENT. MR. CARTWRIGHT RELEASED FROM PRISON. NO MORE SEPARATISTS EXECUTED. — THE QUEEN ORDERS THEIR DELIVERANCE FROM PRISON. NEW IMPRISONMENTS. BANISHMENT AND VOLUNTARY EXILE. INDECENT VIOLENCE OF CHIEF JUSTICE ANDERSON. THE LULL OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION.— PURITANISM TURNS AGGRESSIVE.

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THE romantic passion of Hatton for Queen Elizabeth1 received a rude shock when she suddenly instituted legal proceedings against him for the immediate recovery of forty-two thousand pounds due to the royal exchequer. This went to his heart; and, on the 20th of September, in the fiftyfirst year of his age, he died under the combined influence of disease and "grief of mind." In the following June, the Great Seal was committed to the custody of Sir John Puckering, "with the

1 Ante, Vol. I. p. 464, note. 2 Camden, 458. D'Ewes, 456. Fuller's Worthies, II. 508. Life of

Hatton, 498. Lord Campbell's “Lives of the Chancellors,” (Philadelphia, 1847,) II. 135.

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lower rank of Lord Keeper." It devolved, therefore, upon him to open the Parliament which met, according to the royal summons, on Monday, February 19th, 1592-3.2

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Those returned for the lower House, having taken the usual oath before the Lord Steward (the Earl of Derby) and his deputies, as required by law, upon notice that the queen and the Lords awaited them in the upper House, repaired thither. The Lord Keeper in his opening speech dwelt largely upon "the great malice of the king of Spain towards the realm"; who, having been balked in his former attempt at invasion, was preparing ships for the same purpose, "of a less bulk and after another fashion," and had also "wrought most of the nobility of Scotland to conspire against their king, to give landing to his forces there, and to assist him in his invasion thither." He added, that her Majesty, for the proper defence of her realm against these intents and machinations, had not only exhausted her exchequer, but had "caused a part of her Highness's crown to be sold"; and that therefore it was incumbent upon her subjects to devise means to "assist her Majesty in such an insupportable charge." In conclusion: "Her Majesty further hath willed me to signify unto you, that the calling of this Parliament now is not for the making of any new laws and statutes, for there are already a sufficient number both of ec

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1 Camden, 458. Stow, 765. Campbell (II. 155) says May.

D'Ewes, 456, 468. Townshend's Historical Collections, 31 (London, 1680).

3 D'Ewes, 468.

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5 Eliz., Cap. I. Sec. XIII.
D'Ewes, 457.

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