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and that all their movements were subtle and stealthy, from the outset of his administration he had maintained his disguised agents or spies wherever his sovereign had enemies, in the Catholic districts at home, about the person of the Queen of Scots, at the various seminaries of Missionary priests, and among the very "confidants of the Pope at Rome." This system of espionage was a matter of necessity; the only means of forestalling and counteracting the many secret plots against the Church and sovereign of England. To maintain it at home and abroad, the Secretary spared not time or labor or money. Nor did he scruple to employ any agent, however mercenary or however unprincipled, whom he could make his tool to subserve to the safety of the state. In this, under the circumstances, he was justifiable. It is also a singular and noticeable fact, that, while all Queen Elizabeth's perils had a Catholic origin, Walsingham's most effective spies were of the Catholic priesthood; so that "he used always to say, that an active but vicious priest was the best spy in the world."2 Perhaps we can account for this in part. But before proceeding to do so, we remark, parenthetically, that Queen Mary herself seems to have been of the same mind with Walsingham when she wrote, "Take heed of spies and false brethren among you, especially of some priests already practised upon by your enemies for your discovery." 3

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1 Nares, III. 268. Ante, Vol. II. 44, note; 202.

2 Nares, III. 267, 268.

VOL. III.

10

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* Hargrave's State Trials, 151; Mary's letter of instructions to Babington, July 12th, 1586.

At this particular time, Walsingham probably had peculiar facilities for operating through this class of agents; for divisions and jealousies had sprung up among the Catholics themselves.1 The Jesuits, by their missionary operations and by their publication of politico-religious tracts, each of which measures had operated to the prejudice and discomfort of the Catholics in England, had ren

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dered themselves obnoxious to a large number of the Romish faith. Thus the English refugees particularly had become split into factions."2 Many of these, who were scholars in the English College at Rome, had thrown off the tutelage of the Jesuits. for that of the Dominicans.3 These dissensions among the English papists were still further increased by another fact. The Jesuits, despairing of the liberation of the Queen of Scots, despairing also of the conversion of her son to the Romish faith, of which until of late, they had had "assured hope," had begun to put forward a pretended title of the King of Spain to the English Crown; to advance which they devoted themselves and exhorted their English pupils.5 On the other hand, their opponents, still hoping for Mary's liberation and for James's conversion, labored unremittingly in behalf of the captive queen. In their jealousy of the Jesuits, and in their attachment to the Queen of Scots, this party had the sympathy of the new Pope, Sixtus Quintus,7 "who hated

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Philip of Spain and admired the character of Elizabeth, although afterwards he excommunicated her afresh, in order, for form's sake, to appear to sanction Philip's attack upon the dominions of a heretic."1 Again, some of the English refugees, weary of their expatriation and suffering under poverty, were willing to lend themselves to the service of Queen Elizabeth, — or at least to entertain her offers of pardon and estate;2 and some of them priests had lately entered into secret correspondence with Walsingham himself.

With these preliminary observations, we proceed to trace the details of another conspiracy; for, like all the Catholic movements (which we have noted heretofore) against the government and person of Elizabeth, it has its relations to the character and conduct of the Puritans. This we shall endeavor

to illustrate hereafter.

Among the soldiers of fortune who served in the Netherlands under the Prince of Parma, general of the forces of Philip of Spain, was one John Savage, an Englishman. Quitting the camp of the prince, he strolled into France; and about the first of August, 1585, came to the ancient city of Rheims, whither the English Seminary for missionary priests had been transferred from Douay ten years before. As he was reciting his military adventures and boasting of his exploits in conversation with Hodgeson, a priest, it chanced that he was overheard by William Gifford, a doctor of di

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vinity, a priest, and of a good English family,' who immediately suggested that the exploits in which the soldier gloried were but trifles compared with one which he might perform, the murder of that pestilent arch-heretic, the Queen of England; a deed which would wreathe the doer with perpetual glory, and make sure his admission to heaven. The adventurer objecting only to the danger and difficulty of the task, Dr. Gifford, thinking that perhaps he might have scruples about assassinating a prince, urged that in this case such a deed was necessary for the good of the Church, and "would be just and meritorious"; and at the same time advised Savage to take ghostly counsel upon the point.

In the Seminary at Rheims there were those who held that the bull of excommunication uttered by the Pope Pius V. against Queen Elizabeth had been dictated by the Holy Ghost; and "that it was a meritorious act to kill such princes as were excommunicate; yea, that they were martyrs who lost their lives upon that account."2 These doctrines were now diligently pressed upon Savage by the priest Hodgeson, by Gilbert Gifford, another priest, apparently a near kinsman of Dr. Gifford, and by "others" at Rheims.3 After three weeks of instruction, the result was, that Savage informed Dr. Gifford whom he had not met in the mean time, but who probably was privy to his instructions—that "he was willing to do anything for the

1 Murdin, 512; Morgan to the Queen of Scots. Camden, 336.

2 Camden, 336. Carte, III. 600.

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Hargrave, I. 129. Camden, 336.

good of his country"; and soon after, convinced by their sophistical persuasions, he pledged himself upon oath to murder Queen Elizabeth. Upon which Dr. Gifford entered into large discourse, showing the devotee various methods by which he might fulfil his vow. Soon after, Savage came into England to execute his murderous purpose, which now included the Earl of Leicester,1 and afterwards, the Lord Burleigh.2

About the same time, to lull the apprehensions and vigilance of Elizabeth's ministers, some of Mary's partisans issued a book in which they urged the Papists of England to carry on no hostility against the queen except by tears, reasonings, prayers, watchings, and fastings.3

But there were other agencies elsewhere, flowing in another direction toward a common goal, and which were destined soon to form a confluence.

The solemn bond of association devised by the Earl of Leicester had greatly alarmed the friends of the Queen of Scots. A book had lately appeared in which the Earl had been most mercilessly defamed, and to which he believed her to have

been privy. Her friends believed the bond to

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2 Wright, II. 314; Burleigh to between a Gentleman, a Scholar, Leicester. Hargrave, I. 136.

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and a Lawyer." It contained every-
thing which could be raked together,
whether true or false, concerning
the private vices and crimes of the
Earl of Leicester;
"notoriously

scandalous and hateful matter
against her Majesty's right trusty
and right well beloved cousin,” said
the Council in a letter (June 20th,
1585) to certain justices and other

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