with the consent of Parliament, is against law,—and without the desire of the civil magistrates, to aid whom was the pretence for sending the troops hither. The conduct of this military force in Boston was highly aggravating. Gov. Bernard, without consulting the Council, having given up the state-house to the troops at their landing, they took possession of the chambers where the representatives of the province and the courts of law held their meetings, and (except the council-chamber) of all other parts of that house, in which they continued a considerable time, to the great annoyance of those courts while they sat, and of the merchants and gentlemen of the town, who had always used its lower floor as their exchange. They had a right so to do, as the property of it was in the town; but they were deprived of that right by mere power. The governor, soon after, by every stratagem, and by every method but a forcible entry, endeavored to obtain possession of the manufactory house, to make a barrack of it for the troops; and for that purpose caused it to be besieged by the troops, and the people in it to be used with severity, which created universal uneasiness, arising from the apprehension that the troops, under the influence of such a man, would be employed to effect the most dangerous purposes; but, failing of that, other houses were procured, in which, contrary to act of Parliament, he caused the troops to be quartered. After their quarters were settled, the main guard was posted at one of the said houses, directly opposite the state-house, and not twelve yards distant, where the General Court and all the law courts were held, with two field-pieces pointed to the state-house. This situation of the main guard and field-pieces seemed to indicate an attack upon the constitution, and a defiance of the law, and to be intended to affront the legislative and executive authority of the prov

ince.

When the Superior Court met at the state-house, Nov. 1, 1769, a motion was made by James Otis, Esq., one of the bar, that the court would adjourn to Faneuil Hall, not only as the stench occasioned by the regulars in the representatives' chamber may prove infectious, but as it was derogatory to the honor of the court to administer justice at the mouths of cannon and the points of bayonets.

In a new liberty song at this period, it was sung,-tune "Rule Britannia,"

"No haughty Bernard, swoln with pride,

Shall e'er fair Freedom's sons subdue ;

A particular relation of the occasion of the event which occurred on the massacre thus appears in the narrative already gleaned. It was probably from the hand of James Bowdoin, chairman of the town's committee. "A difference having happened near Mr. Gray's ropewalk, between a soldier and a man belonging to it, the soldier challenged the ropemakers to a boxing match. The challenge was accepted by one of them, and the soldier worsted. He ran to the barrack in the neighborhood, and returned with several of his companions. The fray was renewed, and the soldiers were driven off. They soon returned, with recruits, and were again worsted. This happened several times, till at length a considerable body of soldiers was collected, and they also were driven off, the ropemakers having been joined by their brethren of the contiguous ropewalks. By this time, Mr. Gray, being alarmed, interposed, and, with the assistance of some gentlemen, prevented any further disturbance. To satisfy the soldiers, and punish the man who had been the occasion of the first difference, and as an example to the rest, he turned him out of his service, and waited on Col. Dalrymple, the commanding officer of the troops, and with him concerted measures for preventing further mischief. Though this affair ended thus, it made a strong impression on the minds of the soldiers in general, who thought the honor of the regiment concerned to revenge those repeated repulses. For this purpose, they seem to have formed a combination to commit some outrage upon the inhabitants of the town indiscriminately; and this was to be done on the evening of the fifth of March, or soon after." Appended to this relation of the town, are the depositions of ninetysix witnesses, clearly unfolding the circumstances of the massacre. The minute evidence in the case advanced at the trials of the regulars involved in this event is, moreover, of greater importance than the town depositions, and a perpetual evidence of the blighting curse of standing armies.

The most interesting statement that we find of this memorable massacre, yet conflicting with that of the town, is gathered from the work of a British author, entitled "The History of the American War,

etc., by C. Stedman," who served under Sir William Howe, which is as follows:

"On the evening of the fifth of March, the same day on which the British minister, Lord North, moved his resolutions in the House of Commons for discontinuing the American duties, a quarrel arose at Boston between two or three young men of the town and as many soldiers, at or near their barracks. From words, they proceeded to blows; and the soldiers, having vanquished their opponents, were seen pursuing them through the streets. The alarm to the populace was given by ringing the bells of the churches, and the people of the town, assembling in great numbers at the custom-house, began to crowd around the sentinel who was posted there, and not only insulted him, but threatened his life. Captain Preston, the officer on duty for the day, who had by this time received information of the tumult, proceeded immediately to the main guard, and hearing that the sentinel placed at the custom-house might be in danger, sent a party, under the command of a sergeant, to protect the one and secure the other; and, from greater precaution, soon afterwards followed, and took command of the party himself. He endeavored to prevail upon the people to disperse, but in vain. The mob soon became more riotous, not only reviling the soldiers with abusive language, but throwing stones at them, and whatever else came in their way. One of the soldiers received a blow from something that was thrown, and levelled his musket; the officer, stretching out his arm to prevent the soldier from firing, was struck with a club, and the musket was discharged. The attack from the mob became more violent, and the rest of the soldiers, following the example of their comrades, discharged their pieces singly and in a scattered manner, by which four of the populace were killed, and several others wounded. They were intimidated, and for a moment fled; but, soon afterwards collecting, took their station in an adjoining street. The drums beat to arms, the rest of the troops were assembled, and the whole town was in the utmost confusion. A town-meeting was held, and a deputation was sent to the governor, requesting him to remove the troops from the town. The governor called together the Council, and the Council giving it as their opinion that the removal of the troops from the town would be for his majesty's service, the commanding officer promised to comply with their advice. Capt. Preston surrendered himself for trial, and the soldiers under his command at the custom-house were taken into

custody; the mob dispersed, and the following day the troops were removed to Castle William.

In the Diary of John Adams, it is recorded as follows:- "The evening of the fifth of March I spent at Mr. Henderson Inches' house, at the south end of Boston, in company with a club, with whom I had been associated for several years. About nine o'clock we were alarmed with the ringing of bells, and supposing it to be the signal of fire, we snatched our hats and cloaks, broke up the club, and went out to assist in quenching the fire, or aiding our friends who might be in danger. In the street we were informed that the British soldiers had fired on the inhabitants, killed some and wounded others, near the town-house. A crowd of people were flowing down the street to the scene of action. When we arrived, we saw nothing but some field-pieces before the south door of the town-house, and some engineers and grenadiers drawn up to protect them. Mrs. Adams was then in circumstances to make me apprehensive of the effect of the surprise upon her, who was alone, excepting her maids and a boy, in the house. Having, therefore, surveyed round the house, and seeing all quiet, I walked down Boylston-alley, into Brattle-square, where a company or two of regular soldiers were drawn up in front of Dr. Cooper's old church, with their muskets shouldered, and their bayonets all fixed. I had no other way to proceed but along the whole front, in a very narrow space which they had left for foot-passengers. Pursuing my way without taking the least notice of them, or they of me, any more than if they had been marble statues, I went directly home to Cole-lane."

We will relate particulars of the town-meeting. The excited Bostonians, overwhelmed with indignation at the outrage of the British regulars, on the very next day, as with one tread, repaired to the Cradle of Liberty. The town record of that day states that the selectmen not being present, and the inhabitants being informed that they were at the council-chamber, it was voted that Mr. William Greenleaf be desired to proceed there, and acquaint the selectmen that the inhabitants desire and expect their attendance at the hall. The town-clerk, William Cooper, presided at this meeting in the interim. The selectmen forthwith attended, and it was voted that constable Lindsey George Wallace wait on Rev. Dr. Cooper, and acquaint him that the inhabitants desire him to open the meeting with prayer. Hon. Thomas Cushing was chosen moderator, by hand vote.

The first object of this democratic assembly, in defiance of British control, was to listen to relations of the people respecting the massacre of last night; and, that the same might be recorded by the town-clerk, they were requested to give written statements. The persons that appeared to give information relative to the conduct of the soldiers being many, it was inconvenient to receive them all at that meeting, and William Greenleaf, William Whitwell and Samuel Whitwell, were appointed to take the depositions offered regarding the conduct of the regulars.

The statements of four persons at this meeting are on the town records in substance as follows:-"Mr. John S. Copley related that Mr. Pelham and his wife, and some persons of Mr. Samuel Winthrop's family, heard a soldier say, after the firing on the last night, that the devil might give quarters-he should give them none." Here we will cease a moment to relate further testimony, in order to make allusions to John Singleton Copley, who was the most eminent painter of his day in Boston, a pupil of Smibert, and memorable for his portraits of Hancock and Warren, and for the paintings of the death of Chatham, and the siege of Gibraltar. The associations that twine around his name are of peculiar interest to the people of Boston, where he was born, in 1738. The Mr. Pelham to whom he alludes is supposed to have been one Peter Pelham, a writing and dancing master, whose wife Mary was the widow of Richard Copley, a tobacconist, his probable father. Mr. Copley married a daughter of Richard Clarke, one of the consignees of the tea destroyed in 1773, by whom his son John S., born in Boston, May 21, 1772, known as Lord Lyndhurst, became Lord Chancellor of England. Gardiner Greene, the late millionaire, of Boston, married his daughter Elizabeth. He was one of the addressers to Gov. Hutchinson in 1774, and departed for London in June of that year, where he died, September 25, 1815. Copley's Pasture extended down Beacon, from Walnut street to the water, and over Chestnut and Mount Vernon streets. His residence was on the present location of David Sears' man

sion.

We will now return to the town-meeting. The next relation was that of John Scott, who reported that a lad of Mr. Pierpont had said at Mr. Chardon's, that a soldier was heard to say his officer had acquainted them that if they went abroad at night, they should go armed and in companies. Mr. Pierpont stated that before the firing