ladies by whom she was surrounded, was a proof of the highest moral courage.' "After conceding the intellectual capability and moral courage of the ladies, there yet lingered for a long time the doubt as to their physical capacity-viz., whether their voices were really fit for the strain. This doubt lingered so late as 1877. A great meeting was held that year in St. James' Hall, London, presided over by the late Lord Houghton. The following was a newspaper comment: 'We hope the gentlemen will not be offended or cast down if we say that they were much less distinctly heard than the ladies. There is a quality in the female voice which seems to carry it further with less effort than the organ of the stronger sex.' 66 Among the changes in the position of women during the last half of the reign of our Queen, none is more striking than this of public speaking. As I passed through Bath the other day, I noticed the walls covered with two great placards-one set announced a meeting to be presided over by a duchess; the other announced a great political party meeting to be presided over by a countess. Nobody saw anything remarkable in this enlargement of woman's sphere; but my mind instinctively travelled back to the days when women, moved by the sense of great injustice, undaunted by scorn and sneers, went forth to speak the thing they knew, and to plead for their sex a fair field and no favour." Such were some of the earliest experiences of public meetings when women had as yet taken no prominent part in the general political party work of the country. All through the session petitions had continued to pour in, bringing up the total at the time of the debate to 185,000. A few days before the debate took place a circular was issued, summoning the Women's Suffrage workers to a Conference in the following terms: "The Committees of London, Edinburgh, Dublin, Manchester, Birmingham, and the West of England earnestly invite your presence at a Conference to be held in London on Friday, the 28th inst. "On the 3rd of May Mr. Jacob Bright will propose the second reading of the 'Bill to remove the Electoral Disabilities of Women,' and we call this Conference as a means of bringing together the friends of the cause from every part of the United Kingdom, in order to strengthen the hands of our supporters in the House of Commons at this critical time, and to discuss the means to be employed in aid of the progress of the Bill. "Last year, in face of petitions from more than 130,000 British subjects, and a considerable Parliamentary majority in favour of the second reading of the Bill, Mr. Gladstone declared in the House of Commons that 'he saw neither desire nor demand for this measure,' and the whole force of the Government was exerted against our cause. We desire to call upon our adherents everywhere to protest against the hostile attitude assumed by a Government professing to be Liberal and to be based on household suffrage. "An influential deputation from the Conference will wait upon Mr. Gladstone to present a Memorial pressing for the immediate extension of the electoral franchise to women householders and ratepayers. "The Conference will meet at the Langham Hotel, The chair will be taken at two o'clock Regent Street. p.m. 66 "MENTIA TAYLOR, Hon. Sec., London. Hon. Secs., Bristol “ April 15th, 1871." A memorial was conveyed from this Conference to Mr. Gladstone, setting forth the constitutional basis of the claim and signed by 2000 women, the first amongst them being: Florence Nightingale. Harriet Martineau. On May 3rd Mr. Bright, for the second time, introduced his Bill; and for the second time Mr. Bouverie carried 220 votes against it with him into the lobby; but Mr. Bright's following had increased to 151, and the hostile majority had fallen to 69. An analysis of the division list showed that 122 constituencies were clearly ranged in favour, amongst them being all five of the three-membered boroughs, the chief centres of political activity, viz., Birmingham, Glasgow, Liverpool, Leeds, Manchester. Moreover, Mr. Gladstone's tone of decided opposition had greatly modified; he had spoken apparently in favour of the principle. Thus there was much justification for the bright hopefulness with which the leading article of the Women's Suffrage Journal concludes: "We have but to persevere in our efforts in order to reap a speedy reward, and we may look forward with a reasonable hope that the moral victory of last month will be converted into a numerical victory when next Mr. Jacob Bright asks the assent of the House of Commons to the second reading of the Women's Disabilities Bill." "The hopes expressed in our letters in those days would read idiotic now," said one of the "old gang," in this year 1900. But, ah! no. Not so it is as true for the life of a cause, as for the life of a soul, that: 66 ... tasks in hours of insight will'd § 23. The Session of 1872-Formation of Central Committee. The encouragement to the suffrage party in 1871 naturally aroused extra exertions on the part of the opponents in the following session. A whip was sent round. "Women's Suffrage.-You are earnestly requested to be in the House on Wednesday, May 1st, not later than four o'clock, to vote against the second reading of the Women's Suffrage Bill. Division certain. "E. P. BOUVERIE. "A. J. BERESFORD HOPE. J. H. SCOURFIELD. HENRY JAMES." This whip told with more instant effect on doubtful votes than all the 330,000 signatures of men and women, from all parts of the United Kingdom, who petitioned for the passing of the Bill, and than all the one hundred and fifty meetings that had been held during the previous winter and spring. Even then the list of supporters was longer than that of 1871; for though, as will be seen by the Parliamentary chart, the figures of the division were less favourable, the addition of eighteen pairs brought the total of friendly members to the increased total of 160. Turning from Parliament to the work outside, the most important sign of progress was the formation, in 1872, of a Central Committee in London, in accordance with the wish expressed by Mr. Jacob Bright at a Conference of Friends of Women's Suffrage, in the Mayor's Parlour, Manchester, in the previous November. At that Conference Mr. Bright had said: "Any Member of Parlia ment who has a Bill before the House, especially if it be for a popular object, knows very well how important it is to have an energetic support from the country; and during the last session of Parliament, when I was looking forward to the second reading of the Women's Disabilities Bill, I felt strongly the want of a body in London, representing all the various Associations, which could produce some agitation there, and take the various means which we know are taken to influence members. Well, this was very difficult, as there was no Central Association. There was a London Committee, a Manchester Committee, a Dublin Committee, a Bristol Committee, and so on; but there was no Association |