Ireland shows the aspect of tranquillity." This tranquillity was more fatal than the system of 1782, the jacobinism of 1793 and the rebellion of 1798. So that by this ratio the wound given to the public peace was only great because 66- it was so small.”

To which sensible complaint he would make the sensible answer,

"Then 'twould be greater were there none at all."

set of men who acted on the devilish principal of retaining the shadow of the wrong after its substance was removed, for the purposes of insult and irritation. But then they were not only a self-constituted body; they had the audacity to collect revenue. Levy and revenue were hard words, especially when the contributions were voluntary. A man paid his penny, or if he could not afford that, his halfpenny; he paid his shilling, but if that were not convenient, his sixpence was not unacceptThe fact was, that the Association did contri- able (a laugh), and if he paid nothing at all, bute to the tranquillity of Ireland, and that he still received the advantage of the funds of without exercising any other control than by those who advanced their trifle. With their money the talents of men who sympathized with the he was defended from unjust prosecution—with people, who participated in their sufferings their money he was enabled to bring his oppresand felt their wrongs. Did the house really sor to justice. Such was the system; such the dread their power? He could tell them how compulsory manner in which these funds were to annihilate it ere the morrow of that even- collected. He would read a very few lines ing in which he was speaking. Let them take from a book he held in his hand, containing the advice of the Attorney-General, and re- minutes of the Conference of the English Memove the grievances which oppressed Ireland. | thodists—a most praiseworthy, pious and exThough late, yet there was time: let them be- cellent body of men; men. whom he had degin to do justice. The Association would fended when their privileges were menacedvanish, and Ireland would bless them, as she and whom, under similar circumstances, he would curse them if, instead of redress, they would defend again. They were in the same rivetted her fetters. As to the expression in situation, with some few shades of aggravation, their address, which had given so much offence, as the Catholic Association. Instead of 3000 be would not special-plead it away: it con- individuals, the society of Methodists comtained no illegal meaning. If hatred could prised 500,000, opposed to, and in direct with fairness be felt and proclaimed by any contact with the Church, and levying their rent man, it must be by the Irish Catholics against without exciting the smallest alarm in the mind the Orangemen,. their habitual and malevolent of the member for Oxford (Mr. Peel). This oppressors, especially if this last violent en- was quite correct, although their hon. leader deavour of Orange oppression should be car in that house (Mr. Butterworth) was prepared ried imo a law. If they had commenced their to state that there was not the slightest similaaddress to the Catholic people, by saying,rity between the Conference and the Associa"We adjure you by the love you bear your tion (a laugh). It was said, that this Irish Orange brethren-be at peace;" they would Association imitated the forms of that house; have been charged with hypocrisy instead of but they did not come near the Methodists. They violence; and he certainly, in such a case, had pursued them into their very sanctuary. should, for one, have turned from the document In this document, they spoke of the "Secret with disgust(cheers). As to strong language Committee of Privileges for the ensuing year." and hasty expressions, not even they, clothed He saw bis hon. friend (Mr. Butterworth) was in the real character of senators, could prevent uneasy on his seat while he stated this fact, as themselves from being hurried into occasional if the Committee of Privileges were already lapses. He would instance the expression of an suppressed. The Irish Association never hon friend (Mr. Grenfell), who, he was surprised thought of any such thing. They were told to find, was to vote for the bill, after declaring that the Association collected rents, and that that in the event of justice not being done to they were obliged to return them on some day Ireland, were he upon his death-bed, he would certain. This statement was accompanied by pray to God, not only that Ireland: might re- the uplifting of hands and the upturning of sist; but that she might be successful in her eyes (a laugh); and it was said that nothing resistance. Even the Attorney-General for Ire- had ever been like it but the Jacobinical asland bad gone too far, if strength of expressions semblies of the French Revolution. But what were conclusive against those who used them. said this document? "It is expressly required, In one of his most eloquent speeches he had that the collection ended in October shall be said, he liked English connexion, and would paid in not later than the 5th of November." perish in order to preserve it; but "if he found This was pretty prompt payment for a private that connexion inconsistent with the indepen-association (a laugh). The Chancellor of the dence of hiscountry, he would give the connexion to the winds, and clasp the independence of his country to his heart" (cheers and laughter). The words were elegant, but strong-they | were the effusion of an honest man and a patriot-but they were not used without some rish they were on the very verge-they con tained a pledge which the learned gent. beyond doubt, being an honest man, was prepared to redeem. If called upon, he would not fail his country; but then he could only win his crown of glory by becoming a rebel to England (laughter). Let the house have more patience and loving-kindness towards these oppressed and injured men, and not expect from them the language of kindness towards a

Exchequer did not go to work so quick as that (a laugh). They allowed only fourteen days for payment. Formerly the Chancellor of the Exchequer allowed three months for settling arrears; but the hon. member for Aberdeen had taken the case in hand, and only allowed him to give six weeks now (a laugh). The book went on to direct, that "the treasury accounts should be closed on the 24th of June, that the proper officer might bring before the Conference the state of all their funds. The list of subscription must be brought, on or before the 20th of June: and, at the annual meeting, the officer must bring all the additional subscriptions. The sums received would be. reported to the superintendants at every

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business consisted of a contemptible faction? In that case, the Catholic hierachy would have been spoken of with much praise, as men of piety and virtue—the Catholic nobility would have been overwhelmed with compliments to their loyalty—the wealthy Catholic commoners have come this conclusion-" If these bodies had given their countenance to this measure, then there would have been some security of the public; but here is a set of lawless men, without any person to curb their passions-men who have no stake in the country as a security for their proper conduct. They must be put down, because there is no property amongst them." They would then have been put down, because they were a priestless, peerless set; now they are about to be put down, because they are neither the one nor the other (hear, hear). The last charge against them was, that they attempted too many things. How stood the fact? Tithes they never had touched. Parliamentary Reform they not only never bad touched, but they refused to have any thing to do with it. When a most learned and venerable man, Mr. Bentham, sent his subscription, he called on them to take up the cause of Parliamentary Reform. A committee of the Association sent a letter in answer, that the Association must "stand aloof from all questions, except the Catholic question, and the redress of the grievances of Ireland.” much for the unfounded charges against that body-and so much for the countenance that had been given to them (hear, hear). Before he sat down, he would say one word on the subject of Catholic Emancipation. The rt. hon. gent. (Mr. Canning) defended himself against many charges; some of which had not been made against him. But his (Mr. Brougham's) objection was, that the rt. hon. gent. who had always professed a friendship, and he believed sincerely for this cause- who was its most active, and he believed conscientious supporter-it was to him a most marvellous thing, that he should sit in a Cabinet, where he was allowed to bear sway, where he might have brought forward this question, and have carried it if he list, and yet had not introduced it. This was the chargeand he mentioned it in grief, and not in harshness. At this moment, when the cause of the Catholics was in peril-at this moment, when their claim must be granted, or be for ages denied at this moment, when their fate was in the balance-at this moment, when the scale was quivering with their destiny

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district meeting." Now, it was said with regard to the Catholic Association, that they had two books-one for subscribers' names, and one for non-subscribers'. The latter was held in terrorem over the non-subscribers-being as much as to say, "If you do not come forward, you will be treated in some unpleasant man-would have been much lauded; and then would ner." This, however, was not the fact. There were not two books kept. It was impossible they could be kept. This circumstance proved how alarm awakened men's fancies-how it made even the gravest and soberest men most credulous. If any man wished to describe the effects of alarm, he could not do better than state that certain gentlemen got up in that house, in the month of February, in the 6th year of His present Majesty's reign, with a possession of their faculties, a gravity ofmanner, asedateness of countenance, that were envied by men of less nerve, and repeated tales of a nature the most baseless and extravagant-which the house believed:-that amongst other things it was stated, that of a population of 6,000,000, the subscribers, to the number of 500,000, were enrolled in one book; and the non-subscribers, the remaining 5,500,000, were set down in another book (a laugh). The document to which he was referring then went on to say, "that annual district meetings should be held, and when any dereliction or gross deficiency should appear, the chairman should make strict inquiry into the cause" (hear, hear). He warranted that it would be a strict inquiry. Where any thing in a financial shape came before those religious societies, it was always strictly looked after. Here, then, was a statement, in nine or ten columns, containing the financial accounts of the Methodists; every item most regularly noted down. And yet it was one charge against the Catholic body, that an account was kept of their funds! He saw something lying on the table of that house, which somewhat startied gentlemen when it came in, for it answered extremely well to its title- Army Extraordinaries." He found the same item in the accounts of the Methodists (laughter). Here were the "extraordinaries" of "the “Army of the Faith" (laughter). There was also in these accounts, as in theirs, a deficit (a laugh), and persons were ordered to go the circuit to make up the deficiency. It appeared that the Methodists took a number of children under their care, and it was directed that every 149 persons should furnish one clear child's subsistence. The Catholic Association collected voluntary contributions; so did the Methodists: but the latter went a step farther; they assessed individuals. Did he state this to blame the Methodists-to cast a shadow of doubt on their motives, or on the legality of their proceedings? Certainly not. But he argued, that what was right in England, could not be unlawful in Ireland -that what the Methodists had a right to do, and rather than give up which they Would go to death, could not be a matter of pretext for imposing coercive laws in Ireland. It appeared, however, that the priests were employed as collectors, and were members of this Association. Great was the cheering when the priests were mentioned. But he would ask, if the priests, the peers, and the great commoners, had not been with the association, would they not have been told by the same persons who now made their junction with it a cause of complaint, that those who were stirring up this

what had the rt. hon. gent. done? He would demand of him, in the face of the Catholics and of the country, whether, at this critical moment, he had not assisted in raising the cry of "No Popery" (hear, hear). He put the rt. hon. gent. on his trial, and he charged him with having done his best to raise that cry; but thank God he had failed. The worst Orangeman, the most unprincipled enemy of the Catholics, could not, with all his ingenuity, have selected a surer mode of injuring them. With that art of balancing his periods nicely, which he had learned from his master, Mr. Pitt, of whom Mr. Windham facetiously observed, that be could speak a King's speech off hand-with that art which enabled him to say as much as left you in doubt, and to conceal what was essential and material-with that art the rt. hon. gent. had acted; and it was impossible to give a greater blow than he had done to

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that cause which, he hoped he did not speak | issues of official life, who required that the correctly, when he said, he had deserted. He proceeding should be commenced, and to him used no more nor less than these otherwise the Cabinet yielded their private prepossessimple expressions, but expressions in this case sions-with an unhesitating baseness unequallof the most pernicious nature-" I stand singly, ed in any European Court (much cheering)the whole Opposition with me. I stand alone, which the Cabinet of Russia, or even of Ferthe Whigs with me.” He was as much a friend | dinand the Seventh, could never have surpassed. to the Catholic question as ever; and yet that Like the base, crouching, unhesitating, unfriend to the Catholic question said, that the flinching slaves of the Divan, with the bowpeople of England were as a man united string twanging in their ears, and the scmitar against it. This was acting like the Sneer- glancing before their eyes, they consented to wells, and the Candours, and the Backbites, gratify groundless, but in that high quarter, whom he had this night quoted. One of those excusable caprices, though they were without characters said, "I like such a person, but I all excuse beyond what might be found in the cannot get any body else to like him." So he most anxious desire to retain their places. If Jiked the Catholics, but he could get no one he were in want of reasons for conceding the else to do so (laughter). Why not have spoken demands of the Catholics, good God! what an candidly-" Not only the Whigs in Parliament, ample supply had the Attorney-General for but all men of liberal opinions are favourable Ireland given him. The great friend and pato the Catholic claims" (hear, hear). London tron of Emancipation-the appointed guardian and Westminster, and Southwark, notwith- of the peace and tranquillity of Ireland, with standing what the rt, hon. gent. said, had de- knowledge of many facts with which he alone clared for them over and over: and was the could be acquainted, had declared that the bill very heart of the country to be considered as was necessary, because Emancipation was to nothing? Even in 1807, when the Whigs were be refused. How ominous were these words to turned out on the scandalous cry of "No the people of Ireland! To his ears they meant Popery! the Church is in danger!" London and neither more nor less than this: "Prepare for Westminster, Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, and the coming storm; set your house in order, Liverpool, had refused to join in it. The argu- while you may; the tempest is brooding, and ment now was, "I cannot propose this mea- will quickly burst; that is about to be done, sure, the country are against it." This he which, when completed, may produce, nay, denied. Where were the "No Popery" cries must produce convulsion, unless preventive -where any expressed dissatisfaction of the measures are taken." Had Lord Londonderry public, for which ample time had been given, been alive, he would at once have recommendpartly through his advice, by protracting this ed the adoption of military measures to meet very debate, whereby an opportunity has been the threatened danger, and he knew not whether afforded for so many splendid specimens of he would not rather see precautions of that reasoning, learning, and eloquence, by which kind adopted, which at all events must be such service had been rendered to the cause of temporary, than witness the passing of a bill civil and religious liberty, and by which he like the present, which made so violent an inhoped the last blow had been given to a per- road on the constitution. If the Association in nicious and scandalous delusion (hear, hear). its present shape, should be put down, he But he would suppose, for the sake of argu- hoped that the Catholics would not therefore ment, that the country was opposed to Eman- be deterred from pursuing all the means which cipation; then if Government felt that they might be left-all that the law had not prowere right-if they knew that it was of para-hibited. Let them not add to the list of those amount importance to the safety and integrity of the empire, why did they not oppose them selves firmly to the tide of vulgar prejudice? Were they always so unwilling to run counter to public opinion? The Chancellor of the Exchequer formed part of the Government in 1820, and he would ask him what was the state of public opinion on that most infamous, detestable, and disgusting ner sure, to which he marvelled that any man on the other side could hear an allusion without the crimson starting to his cheeks-the persecution of the late Queen (hear, hear, hear). Government had then no disinclination to meet the cry of the mob, or to combat the discontents of the army; they were prepared to resist the wishes of meetings in all parts of the kingdom, and the avowed sentiments of many of their most steady supporters. Even the Church for some time, at least, was passive, till the Ministers and their adherents gave it the tone of reprobation. All these great interests were embattled against them all felt with one heart, and spoke with one voice, yet nothing could induce the persecutors of the Queen to pause for one instant in their disgraceful and disgusting course. Was that course rendered necessary by state expediency? No. Was one half of the empire about to be torn away if the Ministry did not confront public opinion? No: But there was one person in the kingdom who held in his hand the

false friends who had already proved so fatal to their interests; let them not trust to that which was falsely called moderation and mutual concession. Let them renounce, with the contempt which they deserved, those pretended advocates of their cause, who had betrayed it and deserted them; but let them rely with implicit confidence on those old and faithfol friends who had proved themselves in all emergencies to be what they professed; let them rely on their distinguished leaders; let them go on in the same honourable course which they had of late pursued-firm and united. Let them look to England, and admire and emulate the conduct of their fellow-sufferers here, who, having tried for ages the effect of moderation, and passive obedience to excess, and finding that they were just as badly off as their brethren in Ireland who had pursued an opposite course, had come forward as one man, and from the illustrious Duke at their head, down to the poorest peasant, had united themselves in the pursuit of their common object, a union, he exulted in knowing which was likely to produce the happiest results (cheers). He had been told by the rt. hon. Sec, that he knew little of Englishmen, if he thought they were to be influenced by the formidable atti tude in which Ireland had placed itself. But he found that the Catholics had never got any thing, unless when the Government was plac

in difficulty. The gentlemen who pressed the present measure gave a convincing proof, that times of peace, the Catholics had nothing to hope for in the way of concession. All that the Catholics had obtained, they had obtained in other times. In 1778, and in 1782, all that was granted to them was extorted, in fact, by men in arms. In 1793 there were more alarms, and then the elective franchise was granted. He called upon the Catholics, not by any bad passions which might influence them—since all men were influenced by bad passions-not by that enmity, which he would fain see stifled-not by their sense of injuries, which he wished and hoped to see buried in oblivion, but by every principle which they held sacred as free men and Christians, to pursue the course which was before them (cheers). He called upon the members of the Government, by the responsibility of their stations, by their characters as statesmen, by every principle of policy and prudence, to deal with the Catholics, not with feelings of hatred but of charity-not with measures of oppression but of conciliation; and to reflect, ere it was too late, on the conse-petition, it seemed, was sent to the public inn quences which must result from this bill. It would alienate the Catholics for ever. It would turn discontent to rage, and it would arm rage with new weapons. On their heads would be the consequences of this misguided policy; and they must answer for it, if their present measures should tear Ireland from this country (loud and repeated cheering).

FRIDAY, FEB. 18.-Col. Trench presented? petition from the archdeacon and other digni taries of the cathedral of Ely, against the Catholic Association. The petition, he observed, stated, that the Roman Catholics were as hostile to the principles of the Reformation, displayed as much prostration of mind to the see of Rome, and were as much distinguished by bigotry and intolerance at the present day, as they ever were.

Sir T. Lethbridge presented a petition from the city of Wells and its vicinity. The peti tioners declared that they were friends to religious toleration to its utmost extent, but they objected to arming the Roman Catholics with political power (hear).

Mr. Brougham said, that when such a petition --one of the few, he was glad to say, which had been produced by the foolish cry "No Popery!" -was presented, some few anecdotes, relative to the getting up of so valuable a document, could not be unacceptable. He had received his information in a letter from a gentleman of rank in the neighbourhood of Wells. The from the office of the attorney, who was the agent of the hon. bart.-not that he meant to insinuate that the hon. bart. was acquainted with the circumstances under which the petition was got up. He caused the petition to be left at the inn, and he laboured strenuously to raise the obsolete cry of "No Popery!" for the purpose of injuring the cause of the present Mr. Goulburn rose to reply. He had been members for Wells, Messrs. Tudway and Tay! charged with having made a false statement lor. The gentleman who wrote this letter said respecting two transactions which he had "the agent rode down by my house, while he alluded to in his speech. With regard to one was canvassing for signatures to this petition! of these, the house should hear Mr. Blackburn's He stopped at the school, which is near my report. He said, “ A trial of unusual interest residence, and requested the schoolmaster to has been held before me, in which a soldier procure all the names he possibly could, with was charged with having administered illegal out giving any copy of the petition." The oaths. It lasted seven hours, and at the con- schoolmaster, it appeared, agreed to this proclusion of it the man was acquitted by the una-position; and, forthwith, put down all the nimous verdict of forty-three magistrates. I names of his scholars (laughter) who could not regret to say that the evidence for the prose write (laughter), and he got those who could to cution appeared to be a foul conspiracy, to ac- put down theirs. The boys went home de cuse and criminate the soldier, and that the most lighted, bragging that they had signed for abominable means were restored to for effect-"bricks and mortar" (laughter)-a cant phrase ing the object of the conspiracy" (cheers). for electioneering purposes at Wells. There With respect to the other case, the learned were two parties there, opposition and minismember for Winchelsea had asserted, on terial, the latter of which was known by the the authority of the leading counsel for designation of "bricks and mortar” (a laugh). the prosecution, who was stated to be a The schoolmaster having effected his object Protestant, that that gentleman had not been with individuals of tender age, the agent next allowed to put a question to a witness, in con- addressed himself to those who had arrived at an sequence of which the ridsoners were acquitted. advanced period of life. He actually applied Now it was impossible to answer such asser- to the old women (a laugh), and frightened tions off-hand; but he doubted the fact alto- them with the idea that the Irish Catholics were gether-first, on account of the well-known coming over in great numbers to cut all character of the judge; and secondly, because their throats (laughter). These ladies, terthere had been no notice taken of it-no allu-rified as they were, did not sign themselves; sion to it, even, in any of the proceedings of the Catholic Association, although six months had now elapsed since the trial.

but their husbands, wrought on by the terrors of their spouses, though they entertained no fear upon the subject, were induced to affix Mr. F. Fitzgerald said, that he was present their signatures, to deliver them from the dread at the trial of the soldier, and could state that of having their throats cut by Irish Papists. there was no division of sentiment amongst The writer of the letter stated, that many perthe magistrates as to the innocence of the sons had signed on being told that the Church party. was in danger; but he believed none of the The house then divided-the numbers were- canons, nor any well-educated persons, unless For the motion, 278-Against it, 123-Ma-me of the election party some of the bricks jority, 155. and mortar, would lend their sanction to such

The bill was then brought in, and read a first petitions. time.

Sir T. Lethbridge knew that the petition was signed by magistrates and clergymen, and by many thousands of the most respectable yea

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