the mass, were not sanctioned by the Bible; and was virtually altered by this bill-the Bill of that the Pope had no jurisdiction, either tem- Rights was repealed by it. That bill provided poral or spiritual, within this realm. Now, by an enactment as solemn as an enactment when the clergyman of the Church of England could be, that the oath taken by every person was told that the doctrine, discipline, and go- on his admission to office should be the oath of vernment of his church was " established per- supremacy, which asserts" that no foreign manently and inviolably," and yet saw that it prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, was intended to erect a modified establishment bath or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, for another church which held as articles of im- superiority, pre-eminence or authority, eccleplicit faith those articles which the Church of siastical or spiritual, within this realm." This England condemned as unsanctioned by the oath-he said nothing at present about the word of God, had he not reason for thinking that declaration against transubstantiation, which the time was at length come in which his duty stood on different grounds--this oath was compelled him to introduce into his petition now to be abolished. He did not deny the matter which trenched closely upon theological right of the House of Commons to alter this discussion? He was himself somewhat sur- oath, if it so thought good; but when they told prised at the two first clauses in the preamble him that they wished to secure to the Church of of the present bill. They were as follow:- England permanency and inviolability, and "Whereas the Protestant succession to the when they altered that act which provided for Imperial crown of this United Kingdom and it most effectually, he had a right to ask what its dependencies, is, by the act for the further security they had to give him for the fulfilment limitation of the crown and the better securing of their promises? He was not going to deny the liberties of the subject, established perma- that the maintenance of the succession to the nently and inviolably: and whereas the Pro-Crown in the Protestant line, was an importestant Episcopal Church of England and Ire- tant security. Still it was worth while to exland, and the doctrine, discipline, and govern-amine what it amounted to. It amounted only ment thereof, and likewise the Protestant Pres- to this, that an individual who came to the byterian Church of Scotland, and the doctrine, throne should make the declaration against discipline, and government thereof, are, by the transubstantiation, and should be in communion respective Acts of Union between England and with the Church of England. The security of Scotland, and between Great Britain and Ire- surrounding him with Protestant counsellors land, therein severally established permanently was removed. But how was it that James the and inviolably." Why were these two clauses Second endeavoured to effect his purposes? introduced into this bill? It contained no By the assistance of divers evil counsellors, enactment which provided for the permanent judges, and ministers employed by him," and inviolable security of the Protestant Esta- said the Bill of Rights, "did he endeavour blishment. In the first bill that was intro- to subvert and extirpate the Protestant duced by the late Mr. Grattan they were there religion, and the laws and liberties of this followed by a third clause to this effect:-" And kingdom." He would suppose that the whereas it would tend to promote the interest individual who filled the throne, after he had of the same, and strengthen our free consti- taken the oath against transubstantiation, contution, of which they are an essential part, if sidered the ancient religion of the country to the civil and military disqualifications under be the wisest and best. He would suppose that which his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects he took advantage of the liberal doctrine which now laboured were removed." That clause had been that night advanced, that a man's reliwas omitted in the present bill; for to say that gious opinions were not matter of his own the privileges which it conferred upon the Ca- choice, and that it would be the height of intholics were intended to promote the interest of tolerance to subject him to any disqualification the Church of England, and to strengthen our on that account. Now if a King or Queen of free constitution, would be an absurdity too this country, with a mind liable to the influence great for any man at this time of day to think of designing persons, after his accession, were of believing. From these two clauses being to become a convert to the Catholic faith, and inserted in the preamble, he thought it was were to declare his adherence to it, the tranclear the framers of the bill imagined that there quillity of the country would rest on the will was in its enactments something pregnant with of a single mind. An attempt to dismiss that hidden danger to the constitution. The house individual from the throne, because he had, Would recollect, that in the feast in Macbeth, upon conscientious principles, changed his that tyrant, before he goes round the table to religious faith, would be productive of serious pay his respects to his guests, expresses an convulsions. In the reign of James II. it had anxiety for the presence of Banquo, whom he produced them; and in that of Charles II. the had doomed to die. One of the commentators suspicion of such an event had given rise to bas remarked, that this single touch of nature the precautions which it was the object of the showed a greater consciousness of guilt in present bill to neglect for ever. He allowed Macbeth's mind, and excited a stronger sus- that the danger he was now describing was picion that he intended mischief to Banguo, merely speculative; but when the fundamental than a thousand laboured speeches could have laws of the country were going to be repealed, done. He thought that the anxiety for the it was right to look even at speculative danger. welfare of the Church of England exhibited in They had been told that they were not to look the preamble, and not followed up in any of at the clouds with a telescope, and to disregard the enactments of the bill, was one of those the evil at their feet Agreed, but they were touches of nature which showed a conscious-bound to be cautious; and if they saw a cloud ness of danger in the bosoms of the framers of the bill, and which ought to excite a lurking Euspicion in the minds of the country that all was not so correct in it as at first sight it appeared to be. The constitution, he contended,

in the sky, which at present was not larger than a man's hand, they ought to recollect that it might, ere long, overcast the heavens, and involve the whole face of nature in desolation. They were now not deciding on the formation

of new institutions-it was not whether our | ing; that was a question which he was not form of Government was to be republican, at the moment prepared to determine; at the where all religions were admitted equally to the same time he begged to be understood as ready participation of political power, but being a to remedy every ground of complaint as to the monarchy, with the Protestant religion esta- administration of justice. He would make all blished by law, whether we were now pre- reasonable concession to the Catholic, while he pared to abandon the securities by which that would maintain the Protestant character of the Government was preserved and supported. It Throne, of the Parliament, of the Church, and was to be recollected, also, that the tempora- of the judicial bench. But he could not aplities of the Church of Rome had been trans- prove of exciting the hopes of the people, as ferred to the Protestant Church; so that, upon they had been excited respecting this questhe principles of human nature, under the cir- tion, by appeals to abstract principles of civil cumstances in which that religion stood in rela- right, and by attacks on the Government. tion to our Establishment, he could find no That the great body of the Catholics would exsecurity in the proposed oath. What was the perience considerable dissatisfaction, should practice of the constitution under analogous Parliament reject their claims, he by no means circumstances? The legislature disqualified doubted. But that dissatisfaction would be revenue officers from voting for members of attributable, not to him or to those hon. genParliament-it denied to the clergy the capa- tlemen who thought with him, and who had city, of sitting in that house, on account of the never encouraged the expectations of the Cainfluences by which it was presumed those tholics, but on the contrary, had witnessed the classes would be affected. When he found growth of those expectations with deep such a man as Mr. Charles Butler entertaining regret-it would be owing to those who the conviction that the Reformation had not had excited extravagant hopes in the Caled to the temporal prosperity of this kingdom; tholic mind. They were told that they were that it had not accelerated the revival of learn- not to treat with, but to legislate for the Roman ing-it was impossible that he who entertained Catholics, although the experience of their his them should not consider the dispossession of tory for the last ten years showed them, that temporalities as a great act of injustice; and they had not legislated, but had actually with such impressions, he was not qualified to treated with that body, and regularly conceded legis ate for a state essentially Protestant. He step by step to the Catholic, without one acfelt the same conviction when he referred to companying concession to the Protestant. The the statements of Dr. Doyle; and he felt a securities offered at present were so inefficient, total inability to reconcile the acknowledged that he would rather pass the bill on the prinpublications of that rev. gentleman with the ciple of general toleration, than with any refe testimony given by him before the committees, rence to these miserable securities. Of what in a letter written with calmness and delibera- use, for example, would be the surveillance by tion. The rev. doctor gave this opinion with a permanent commission exclusively composed regard to the Catholics of England. "The Ca- of Catholics, to regulate their intercourse with tholics," said he " are now emerging from per- the Church of Rome, and to judge of the loy secution and forming their society anew. Their alty of a bishop. When Dr. Doyle was asked sufferings are not effaced from their recollec- whether he thought the provision for the Cathotion, and cannot be so. The most heart-rending lic clergy ought to be inalienable, his reply curse on the land-owners was the Church Esta- was, that he thought it ought while the clergy blishment of Ireland (hear), like the scorpion, maintained a loyal and peaceable line of conit stung, and drew the blood of the people" duct; and of this demeanour the board of (hear). As to the incorporation of the Roman Catholics was to be the exclusive judge. With Catholic clergy with the state, he objected to respect to the measure for raising the qualifiit, not because they believed in the doctrine of cation of freeholds, he hoped the house would transubstantiation, but because he could not not accede to it without very grave considerareconcile himself to the operation of that civil tion. He was ready to admit that in practice influence which he believed to attach to their the existing mode of creating these small freereligious system: while he was ready to treat holds was often full of evil-that it led to perwith charity and tenderness the private scru-jury, and to the creation of fictitious votes;. ples of any man's conscience, he could not ap- but he should, nevertheless, be most unwilling prove of such a branch of faith as that of con- to interfere for the purpose of disfranchising fession, which tolerated one man's communica- those who belonged to the lowest classes tion to another of his intention to commit a of society. The same objection which he murder, but restrained that other from divulging had to the alteration of the franchise he likethe information to the intended victim. wise had to the other measure for the payment He could himself understand the distinction of the clergy. He objected to it not so much which had been drawn with regard to the ex- upon financial grounds, as opening a precedent tent of the power of absolution; but did the for the payment by the state of other classes ignorant peasant make these nice calculations, of religious Dissenters. When he compared and weigh them justly in a moral scale? Then the conduct at present pursued by this Governas to the doctrine of indulgences, and their ment on matters of religious toleration, with natural influence upon the temporal conduct of that of a neighbouring country, where a law the people, it afforded uo satisfaction to him was in agitation for inflicting the penalty of to hear Dr. Doyle describe the scale upon death upon those who offered insult to certain which such indulgences were estimated, their mysteries of the Catholic church-when he extension to seven years, beyond which they made this comparison, the more he became could not prevail, or their shorter quarantine convinced that the principle of Protestant preof forty days (a laugh); enough for him was it dominance in government afforded a greater to know what must be their effect in the popu- security than was likely to be provided by any lar notion of the remission of the punishment other, for the preservation of civil and religious of sin. But he was asked whether he thought liberty; and to that principle he was firmly the law could remain upon its present foot-determined to adhere (hear, hear).

Mr. Brougham wished to have it clearly un- | fundamental principle of the constitution, and, derstood, that he voted for the old, known, and in his view of the question, to strike at the very not-to-be-mistaken measure of Catholic Eman-root of its existence. Twenty-eight years had cipation. As to ulterior views-as to the value of one or the other of those plans proposed for security—they were matter of detail, to be reserved for the deliberation of a committee. That these plans were of great importance -that they were hardly inferior to the question itself in importance-was not to be denied. But they were novel, difficult to judge of, and his doubts were increased by the fact, that of the gentlemen most knowing in Irish affairs, civil and ecclesiastical, those who were most skilled in ecclesiastical matters had not the least doubt that the civil measures would be highly satisfactory, and effect the lasting tranquillity of Ireland; while they felt even more certain that the ecclesiastical regulations would create and prolong dissatisfaction; and so, on the other hand, the gentlemen whose practice in civil affairs was understood to be such as to give weight to their opinions, foretold that the regulations of a civil nature which were preparing would tend to disturb the peace of the country, though they had no doubt of the good which would result from the ecclesiastical parts of the measure. He would come to the discussion with his mind ready for conviction from any arguments which could reconcile the seeming incongruities, but remembering always his general constitutional principles. Any thing which but seemed to approach disfranchisement on the one hand, must excite alarm; on the other, a large increase of the influence of the Crown, implied in the assignment of a provision for an extensive and powerful hierarchy, must equally affect him with jealousy, He was ready for the discussion of the new topics; but they had no necessary connexion with the Catholic question. His opinion upon that question was clear from all doubt. On all grounds upon which he had ever heard it argued, on all motives of expediency, the question stood where it did before. The safety of the empire depended upon the use which the Parliament might make of this, perhaps the last opportunity it would have, for granting as a matter of grace that which would otherwise be extorted from them in the hour of peril and adversity.

When the house divided, the numbers wereFor the original motion, 263-For the amendment,241.-Majority for the second reading, 27.

LORDS, MONDAY, APRIL 25.-The Duke of York said, that he had been requested to present to their lordships the petition of the Dean and Canons of Windsor, praying that no further concessions should be made to the Roman Catholics. He considered it unnecessary, in bringing before their lordships the petition of so learned and respectable a body, to assure them it was worded so as to ensure its reception; but before he moved that it should be read, he must be permitted to say a few words. Sensible as he was of his want of habit and ability to take a part in their lordships' debates, it was not without the greatest reluctance that he ventured to trespass upon their time and attention; but he felt that there were occasions when every man owed to his country and to his Station, to declare his sentiments; and no opportenity could, in his opinion, offer, which required more imperiously the frank avowal of them than the present, when their lordships were called upon to make a total change in the

elapsed since this question had been first agitated, under the most awful circumstances, while this country was engaged in a most arduous and expensive, though just and glorious war; the agitation of it had been the cause of a most serious and alarming illness to an illustrious personage now no more, whose exalted character and virtues, and whose parental affection for his people, would render his memory ever dear to his country; it had also produced the temporary retirement from his late Majesty's councils of one of the most able, enlightened, and most honest statesmen of whom this country could boast. Upon this question they were now called to decide; and from the first moment of its agitation to the present, he had not for one instant hesitated, or felt a doubt, as to the propriety of the line of conduct he had adopted in reference to it. He must call their lordships' attention to the great change of language and sentiments which had taken place since the subject was first introduced, among the advocates for Catholic Emancipation. At first the most zealous of these had cautiously and yet strenuously endeavoured to impress upon the minds of the people, that Catholic Emancipation ought not to be granted without establishing strong and effectual barriers against any encroachment on the Protestant ascendancy. But how changed was now their language! Their lordships were now required to surrender every principle of the constitution, and to deliver us up, bound hand and foot, to the mercy and generosity of the Roman Catholics, without any assurance even that they would be satisfied with such fearful concessions. He had, upon a former occasion, taken the liberty of stating his sentiments fully on the subject, and had endeavoured to explain to their lordships that no person was more decidedly inclined to toleration than his late Majesty, but that it must be admitted there was a great difference between toleration, participation, and emancipation. He would not now enter into this discussion, convinced as he was that if the bill should again be brought under their consideration, its merits would be much more ably discussed by others. of their lordships. There were, however, one or two points which appeared to him to have been kept out of view in the different debates that had occurred in various places, and which seemed to him of such vital importance that he could not help touching upon them. The first was, the situation in which the Church of England would be placed should Catholic Emancipation pass. If he were mistaken, he should doubtless be set right, but he had always understood that the Established Church of England stood in a very different situation from any. other religious persuasion in the world-different even from that of the sectarians in this country. The Established Church was subject to its own Government, and did not admit the interference of the civil authorities. It was placed under the authority of the King as the head of it, and under the control of Parliament; so much so, that the Church was not only not represented as a body in the lower House of Parliament, but no clergyman was admitted to a seat in it. Surely, their lordships could not wish to place the Established Church of England upon a worse footing than any other church within these realms; nor allow the Roman Catholics, who not only refused to submit

to our rules, but who denied any authority of people. He thought that any measure which the civil power over their church, to legislate tended to check the mode by which vast num for the Established Church, which must be the bers of votes were procured from the most ig case if they should be admitted to seats in norant class of Irish peasantry, for the greater either house of Parliament. The other point part Roman Catholics, would receive the apto which he had to advert was one he felt to be probation of the Protestant community, at the of a more delicate nature. He must, therefore, moment when that community was called upon begin by stating to their lordships that he spoke to extend important political rights to the only his own individual sentiments, as he must higher orders of the Catholic body. It had not be supposed to utter in that house the sen- been said that his object was disfranchisement, timents of any other person. He was sensible and not regulation. But the house would prethat by what he was about to say, he should sently see, that provision would be made to subject himself to the scoffs and jeers of some, preserve in the most unqualified manner all and to the animadversions of others; but from vested interests at present in existence. For speaking conscientiously his own feelings and this purpose, a clause had been framed, which sentiments he would by no apprehension what- provided that nothing in this act should extend ever be appalled or deterred. He wished to to affect any person who had registered a freeask whether their lordships had considered hold, or who should register a freehold, before the situation in which they might place the the passing of this act. After the passing of King, or whether they recollected the oath which the act, there would be a cessation of the prac His Majesty had taken at the altar to his peo- tice of multiplying those votes arising from ple, upon his coronation. He begged to read freeholds, determinable on lives; and a creathe words of that oath :-"I will, to the ut- tion of a different description of votes, which most of my power, maintain the laws of God, would be of the utmost importance to Irethe true profession of the Gospel, and the Pro- land. There was nothing whatever in the testant reformed religion established by law; bill which pointed at disfranchisement, the oband I will preserve unto the bishops and clergy ject being to elevate the character of the Irish of this realm, and to the churches committed to freeholder as nearly as possible to a level with their charge, all such rights and privileges as that of the English. At present they had no by law do or shall appertain to them or any of resemblance, the votes of the Irish freeholders them."-Their lordships must remember that being frauds on the law and the constitution; our's was a Protestant King, who knew no men- by their great numbers, they kept down the tal reservation, and whose situation was diffe- real freeholders of the country. The freerent from any other person in this country; that holders to whom this bill applied, were not, he and every other individual in this country like the landholders of the country, the strength could be released from his oath by the authority and honour of the nation-they were, on the of Parliament; but the King could not. The contrary, its weakness and its discredit; for oath, as he had always understood, was a solemn they ruined the very property which reared obligation entered into by the person who took them. By the term "freeholder," in Engit, from which no act of his own could release land, was understood, one who was in the him; but the King was the third part of the actual and absolute possession of freehold prostate, without whose voluntary consent no act of perty to the amount of forty shillings or upthe legislature could be valid, and he could not wards. There was another description of perrelieve himself from the obligation of an oath, sons who also had a right to vote-he alluded He feared that he had already trespassed too long to those who had an annuity, or rent-charge to upon their lordships, and he thanked them for the same amount. Such persons ought, he conthe patience with which they had heard him. If ceived, in justice to be deemed freeholders. he had expressed himself too warmly, especially But the Irish leaseholder, who in that country in the latter part of what he had said, he must only was considered a freeholder, possessed no appeal to their liberality. He felt the subject landed property whatever. He dragged out most forcibly, and it affected him yet more miserable existence by labouring on the soil, deeply when he remembered that to its agita- and his right to vote was perhaps dependent on tion must be ascribed that severe illness, and some other life. He not unfrequently held that ten years of misery, which had clouded the right from a sub-lessee; he did not possess existence of his illustrious and beloved father. forty shillings a year in actual property; he He should therefore conclude with assuring might stipulate to pay a rent to that amount, their lordships that he had uttered his bonest and and in default of that payment he was liable to conscientious sentiments, founded upon prin- be distrained upon, and whatever property he ciples which he had imbibed from his earliest could call his own might be sold; he was youth; to the justice of which he had subscrib- obliged to attend at the session to register his ed, after serious consideration, when he attained freehold and swear that he was actually worth more mature years; and that these were the forty shillings a year; when he had committed principles to which he would adhere, and which that perjury, he was compelled to follow the he would maintain and act up to to the latest herd to the hustings, and to vote for that permoment of his existence, whatever might be his son in whose favour his landlord interested himsituation of life-So help him God! self, and of whom, perhaps, if he had the ability to judge for himself, and were left to take his own course, he would entirely disapprove. Gentlemen who were acquainted with county elections in England, knew that no greater complaint could be made against a candidate than that he had not personally soli

The petition was read, and laid on the table.

Elective Franchise. COMMONS, TUESDAY, APRIL 26.-Mr. Littleton, in rising to move the second reading of a bill brought in on Friday last, for regu-cited the votes of the freeholders. This was Jating the elective franchise in Ireland, said, that the present mode of exercising that franchise was fraught with great evil, as it regarded the property of the country, and the morality of the

undoubtedly, at times very inconvenient to the candidate; but the jealousy with which the freeholder viewed any omission of the practice, proved that he understood, and rightly appre

ciated, the value of the great privilege which ling freehold." It could not be doubted that he enjoyed; and which, therefore, he would the act of 1793 created a great additional not exercise lightly, nor in the support of a interest in that house in favour of the Roman man by whom he conceived he had been slight- Catholics, and forwarded the claims of that ed. But woe to him who visited and canvassed body. Looking at that fact, he did not diathe electors of Ireland. He must be prepared agree with Mr. O'Connell in the conclusion to to fight at least one duel, as the reward which he had come-namely, that under the of his temerity. He understood it was the existing state of the law, it was advantageous rule in the courts of law in Ireland-(a mem- to the Irish peasant to possess this privilege. ber called out "the courts of honour," which But Mr. Shiel said, when speaking of raising caused much laughter)-he understood it was the qualification of freeholders, "so far from its the rule in the courts of honour in Ireland, being an injury, it would be a benefit to the that whoever ventured to bring over to his in- lower orders that the qualifications should be terest the voters on the estate of a gentleman raised, and that the mass of the peasantry who wished to have his opponent returned, should not be invested every five or six years must justify his conduct at the pistol's mouth. with a mere semblance of political authority, It was said that his hon, friend, the member for which does not naturally belong to them, and Galway, who was perfectly conversant in these which is quite unreal. The peasantry are matters, considered the offence given by such driven in droves of freeholders to the hustings: an act to be of so positive a nature, that he they must obey the command of their landlord; could hardly decide whether the person so it is only in cases of peculiar emergency, and conducting himself was not bound to receive where their passions are powerfully excited, his adversary's fire without returning it (a that a revolt against the power of the landlord laugh). No man but a priest could trespass can take place." Mr. Hugh Wallace's exon the province of a landlord; but whenever amination was to the same effect. "Do you the landlord and the priest were brought know in what manner some of the proprietors into competition, the latter always drove in Ireland are in the habit of controlling the the former oat of the field. In the evi-votes of their tenants ?—I know two modes by dence before the committee, Mr. Blake had which they harass the tenants who do not vote thus described the Irish 40s. freeholders: as they wish them to do. One is, preventing "In general they pay what is originally a them from having bog ground, (the right of rack rent for the land, they then build mud cutting, in the bogs of the landlord, firing for buts upon it, and if they make out of the land the tenant,) which, in general, is not granted by a profit of forty shillings a year, a profit pro- the leases, but is an easement that they are duced by the sweat of their brow, they recon- permitted to enjoy by the landlords: the other cife to themselves to swear that they have an is, the compelling them, upon estates where it interest in it to the extent of forty shillings a has always been allowed that half a year's year, whereas the gain is produced, not through rent should be in the tenant's hands, to pay up an interest in the land, but through their la- that to the day it becomes due. So that if bour." Generally speaking, the forty shilling the forty shilling freeholder votes according to freeholders exercised no free choice at elections. his own judgment, he is immediately obliged to Mr. O'Connell stated, that "in many places, pay up what is called the back half year's the 40s freeholder was considered as part of rent, and is deprived of firing for the next half the live stock of the estate." And when asked, year. Generally speaking, those 40s. freeholders. "Are you of opinion that there is any great exercise no freedom of election whatever." The difficulty in making registries of freeholders evidence of the hon. member for Kilkenny (Mr. without the business being very accurately perDennis Browne), was exceedingly important. formed according to law"-he answered," The "If the object is a free and fair election; if greatest facility; the clerk of the peace can the object is, that a man should represent the appoint his deputy, any man can be his deputy fair sense of the county, undoubtedly the forty for the moment, and it is the easiest thing in the shilling freehold system is entirely against that, world to register freeholds upon the present The present election laws are all for the encou system, without either freehold or valid tenure ragement of fictitious votes, because they give to constitute a freeholder. He had known nu- no power of examining at all; any man that is Berous instances, where, if a peasant was made registered must vote; as to going to a petition to swear that he had a freehold of forty shillings, afterwards, that is quite out of the question; he would have perjured himself in the grossest we can hardly stand the expense of an elecway; and in those instances a friendly magis- tion, much less of a petition." Now the meatrate or two may very easily get into the room: sure which was at present before the house an adjournment of the sessions for the purpose was intended entirely to remove those fictitious of registry is the easiest thing in the world, votes; and he was surprised that any gentlebecause the Act of Parliament gives validity man should oppose such a measure. Mr. Brown to the registry, notwithstanding any irregu- was asked, "Are not the small freeholders so larity in the adjournment of the sessions: much under the influence and in the power of therefore two magistrates can come together the landlords, that they dare not act against very easily, get the deputy of the clerk of the them?-I think they are; because they owe us peace to attend, and they can register upon generally double what they have to pay us." anstamped paper if they please. They can The house might here see the demoralizing Register with the life described in such a way, effects of this system: if one of these freethat that life will be either dead or living, as holders, at the general election, dared to vote they please, at the next election; John against his landlord, the punishment of his teO'Driscol or Timothy Sullivan, or any thing of merity would be an ejectment from his resithat kind. Frauds with respect to the re-dence. What further proof was necessary of gistry of freeholds are very considerable, but the demoralization which must be produced by still it is a very great advantage to the such a system, than the fact, that landlords did Irish peasant upon the whole, to have the not only pursue this course, but that they purpower of voting given to him by a forty shil-sued it with impunity? Where was the English