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THE ADDRESS.

tion of Catholic emancipation would doubtless | flict penaltles, or to withhold privileges, on
come again into consideration, during the pre-
sent Session. Their lordships would then have
to consider whether the situation of the Irish
Catholics, was one which could or ought to
last-whether it was possible to retain a great
body of men in the state in which they were
placed, discontented in peaceful, and perhaps
disaffected in troubled times-whether, sup-
posing the evils which some apprehended from
concession to be admitted, it would not be
better to make that concession, than to live in
this constant state of discontent and possible
revolution.

account of differences of religious faith. This was almost the only government which carried on a contest with a large portion of its popula tion on account of religion. Ireland and Turkey might be cited as the only countries in Europe where whole races were oppressed and punished on account of their faith. The Grand Sultan had been endeavouring to make converts of the Greeks, as the government of England had to make converts of the Irish Catholics; but they had not succeeded. When the unhappy Greeks complained of the sufferings which they endured, and applied to be treated a little better Lord Gort, who seconded the address, confined than Mussulman dogs, the Sultan sent for his himself to that part of the Royal speech which Grand Vizier, to ask him what was to be done. referred to Ireland: after eulogizing the admi- This Grand Vizier had at first been a friend, nistration of the Marquis Weйesley, he ani- and then an enemy, of the Grand Sultana. He madverted upon the conduct and the preten- had thus lost much of the favour of his master, sions of the Catholic Association. That body and suffered himself to be bearded in his own had assumed the rights, and exercised the powers Divan, by his officers and serving men (a of a Parliament. It imposed taxes, issued pro- laugh). He was hostile to some of the claims clamations, and made laws for the Catholic of the Greeks. The next person in the Divan, community. Its professed object was Catholic in point of influence, was the Reis Effendi, who was friendly to the just demands of this perseemancipation, but its real tendency was to overthrow the Constitution. He would not now dis- cuted people. This officer, it was well known, cuss the question of Catholic emancipation; was Minister for Foreign Affairs. His foreign but were he the most strenuous advocate of the policy deserved and obtained general appromost liberal concessions, he should still be the bation. In this part of his duties he conducted opponent of the Association. In this Catholic himself with remarkable liberality and talent. Parliament, the most declamatory speeches were He had done great good, and gained consideruttered, and every topic of inflammation en- able popularity to the government of the Sultan, forced. The Catholics were taught to believe and would have done more had his measures not that they were the objects of Government hos- been opposed by his less enlightened colleagues. tility-that they were universally oppressed, He, in fact, was the only man of real genius in and that the Protestants were their oppressors. the whole Divan (a laugh), and was esteemed So decided was this Association in its opposition an ornament among Turkish statesmen, being to the constituted authorities of the land, that gifted with poetical talents. The Kiaya Bey or some change must be made. The two Parlia- Minister of the Interior and the Capitan Pacha ments-the Catholic and themselves-could not were likewise against the Greeks in their claims co-exist: either the Catholic or the legitimate for civil privileges; but the leader of the oppoParliament must give way. Entertaining this sition to their cause was the head Mufti or chief view of the question, he entirely concurred in of the Mussulman law (a laugh). This officer was an enemy to all change. He had regularly the suggestion from the Throne, that the Association must be put down. By means of the opposed all improvements in trade-all im**Catholic rent" system, it had levied taxes on provements in law-all improvements in foreign every parish in Ireland; and by means of its policy (a laugh). He had been, and always proclamations, and the co-operation of the proclaimed himself, the greatest champion of priests, it had extended its authority, and exer-existing abuses. He was the most consummate cised a striking influence from one end of the island to the other. The priests, in executing the orders of the Catholic Parliament, showed that they possessed an influence which they ought to have exerted in maintaining the public peace at other times. He should be sorry to be thought so void of constitutional principle, as to oppose any obstacles to the Catholics, in uniting to express their grievances, and to seek for redress; but if they were to come before their lordships, they must come as petitioners -they must come with prayers, and not with menaces they must submit their demands to the discussion of Parliament, and wait the result with patience. In short, they must present the olive-branch, and, not show the sword (hear, hear).

intriguer of the whole Divan (a laugh). He had at one time taken up the cause of the Sultana, but he turned against her when he found that by continuing to support her he would forfeit his place in the Divan. He then took up the cause of her enemies. At one time there was a proposal to admit some Greeks into the regular troops, or body of Janissaries. He then raised such a fanatical cry against this measure

very similar to the cry of "No Popery" in this country-that he turned out of the Divan the members who had adopted it. He succeeded himself to office, and he no sooner got in than he agreed to the very thing against which he had clamoured (a laugh). He kept the Sultan's conscience and his own; but it was never remarked of him that his conscience opposed Having minutely his interests (a laugh). studied the Turkish constitution, he had found Lord King admitted that the situation of Eng-out that it was essentially Mahometan (a laugh), land was prosperous and fortunate; but their and therefore hostile to Greek privileges. He lordships should not forget that such was not had resolved, therefore, to continue staunch to the situation of six millions of Catholics on the cause of intolerance, and was surrounded the other side of the Irish Channel, suffering with the Mollahs, the Imans, and the Dervishes, under a misgovernment which was a disgrace to who encouraged him in his hostile purposes. our age and country. The world, in general, To complete the picture of this divided Divan, was now too wise to allow Governments to in- the members who composed it had resolved that

The address having been read from the woolsack,

ready to entertain a proposition for repressing it.

The Earl of Liverpool, after congratulating the government and the country on the restoration of a metallic currency-the removal of

in certain questions hey should agree, and in certain questions they should agree to differ, without breaking up their union. Having seen the evils resulting from such a Divan-having seen the Mussulman empire torn by this intolerance of some members of it to their Greek bre-restrictions on commerce, and the precise time Thren, and their quarrels among themselves— le would pray that this country might not be delivered up to such a divided cabinet (a Jaugh).

and circumstances in which the independence of South America had been recognized-when mediation had been offered by this countrywhen no considerable party was in arms in the Colonies in favour of Spain-when there was no prospect of reconciliation or re-conquest— proceeded to make a few remarks on the state

The Marquis of Lansdown concurred in all that was said about the internal prosperity of the country, and the wisdom of recognizing the independent states of South America. It show-of Ireland, which he said he could not treat as ed that we had no intercommunity of feeling wholly unconnected with the general Catholic with those governments which claimed this right question, because there was no subject which of interfering; and was done without exciting re- interested or affected Ireland at all which some sentment, or placing our system in direct oppo-persons would not be disposed to mix up with sition to theirs (hear, hear). With reference to that question. He should, however, treat it as that part of His Majesty's speech which touched a matter by no means growing out of, or immeupon the state of Ireland, he regarded it as pe-diately connected with it. For the measure culiarly important. He did not mean to enter which was to be proposed, there was nothing into the proceedings of the Catholic Associa- about it which should prevent its being distion, either in the way of justification or attack; cussed upon its own merits. There was nothing but he cautioned their lordships to beware how about it which touched the question of Catholic they suffered themselves to be beguiled into an claims-nothing which the advocate of those expectation, that by merely removing the out- claims might not vote for as freely as he who ward symptoms of the malady submitted to their stood most opposed to them. With respect to 'treatment, they gained any thing against the the proceedings of the Catholic Association, cause which produced those symptoms. In a there could be no doubt that they were understate of irritation like that which prevailed at taken, and carried on in that spirit which said, present-irritation arising out of the discontent-determinately" Whatever law you make, our of five or six millions of people, placed with respect to their law, their church, and their exclusion from political power, in a state entirely different from that of any other equal body in any other country in the world-he conjured noble lords not to believe that, by checking the Catholic Association, however its measures might call for check, they would cure the disease which affected the body of the Irish population; the existing symptoms might be removed; but new troubles must and would arise, arresting the prosperity of the sister kingdom, and in time of danger unnerving the arm of our own. He set out with one conviction-that in any country situated as Ireland - was, there must always exist a large fund of discontent ready to be drawn upon for evil purposes, Such being the case, was it not to be desired that public opinion should make its way by open channels rather than by secret ones that correspondence should be carried on, and communication, that sort of communication which would always prevail between different bodies of men labouring under similar disabilities, should circulate open and avowedly, than that it should be conducted in darkness and concealment, working its ends unheard and unperceived, and producing mischief where it perhaps might have been harmless, had the mere eye of authority still retained power to pursue it? It was not the outward and visible signs," which constituted the disease with which Ireland was affected. The freemasonry which Government had to dread, was that which bound men to each other by a common sense of interest, which taught them to strengthen themselves by alliance, and to aid each other in evading the law. What the nature of the evils anticipated from the proceedings of the Catholic Association was, he did not know. The noble Viscount who had seconded the address and adverted to the danger, but had not expressed the nature of it. When he should have Full information upon this point, be should be

business is to evade and to nullify it." There might be those who would say generally that they disliked the effect of the restrictive laws operating upon Ireland, and that they would do nothing to strengthen or extend them; but whenever those persons looked at the conduct of the Association-saw it actually levying a duty upon the Catholic population of Irelandwould they say that the existence of such a body was consistent with the constitution of this country, or compatible with its peace? He protested that if he himself stood before the House as the advocate of Catholic claims, the first act which he would propose should be the putting down that convention; because, if those claims were granted at all, they ought to be granted upon their own merits, and not to the demand of such a body as the Association, acting in the way in which that body was disposed to act. He did not deny the right of the Catholics to assemble and petition Parliament; but that right was not now the question; the question was, whether on their part conduct should be tolerated inconsistent with the spirit of the laws. The Speech from the Throne said, that in the general increasing prosperity of the country, Ireland was taking a large share. This was apparent in the cessation of those disturbances which some had attributed to political and religious animosities, but which he had always mainly attributed to distress. If, however, religious dissensions, and the political animosities arising out of them, tended to produce disturbance, what could be more mischievous than the measures of the Catholic Association? It seemed to him that both the safety and the prosperity of the country demanded that immediate measures should be taken against it. He should therefore sit down by giving notice, that on this day se'nnight, he should move for a renewal of the committee for inquiring into the state of Ireland.

The Earl of Donoughmore regretted to hear any tone taken which seemed to threaten further

measures of coercion against Ireland. He defended the Roman Catholics generally, and the Association in particular, from the charge of illegal proceedings. The Catholics paid taxes, and fought the battles of the country like other people, and ought not to be put down, as seemed to be intended. He was surprised that any minister who approved of the Speech which had been delivered from the Throne, could think it necessary to propose a committee to inquire into the state of Ireland. He wanted no inquiry; but would rest satisfied with the King's royal word, which declared that peace and tranquillity were restored to that part of the kingdom. Such being the case, he thought the coercive measures alluded to by His Majesty's ministers, ought not to be resorted to.

Lord Clifden argued, that the proceedings of the Catholic Association were perfectly legal, and that no quibbling could prove them to be otherwise. The Catholic rent was collected for, and applied to, various legal purposes; such as the education of the poor by Catholic priests, the establishment of newspapers, to combat the abuse of papers opposed to them, and the building of Chapels. The Speech from the Throne spoke of associations; he concluded, therefore, that it was intended to suppress the Orange Associations as well as the Catholic. It was extraordinary that Government should exhibit more intolerance towards the people of Ireland, than those of the kingdom of Hanover. His Majesty had lately issued a proclamation, declaring that in the kingdom of Hanover the professors of all Christian denominations should be on an equal footing with respect to civi! privileges.

The Address was then agreed to unanimously.

COMMONS, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 3.The Speaker having read the Speech,

Lord F. Leveson Gower rose to move the Address. After expatiating upon the commercial and financial prosperity announced in the Speech, he said that as a friend to the question of Catholic emancipation, which some persons regarded as the panacea for all Irish evils, he felt bound to say a word upon the proceedings of the Catholic Association. He could not say that he felt contempt for that body; but looking at the nature of its proceedings, and feeling anxious for the success of the general measure to which they referred, he had the most ardent desire for its annihilation. No man who looked at the conduct of the principal members of that body would be disposed to eavy them the station they had acquired in public opinion. Perhaps one might grudge those gentlemen the graceful diction and fertility of imagination by which they were distinguished; but the evils which they were likely to produce to the country would be ill compensated by speeches of flowing eloquence and rounded periods. The acerbity of public feeling which must be generated by such orations from either party, were obvious; and that would be increased by either party continuing to act as an organized body. As a friend to Ireland, he hoped that the violence of the Catholic Association on the one side, and the ravings of Orange insanity on the other, would no longer be alloved to disturb the tranquillity of that country. Their effects were already felt too much. Some persons were disposed to seize every phantom which presented itself to their minds, and exaggerate it to the highest state of dis

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order; and though they admitted that some rents were paid, and that some gentlemen could lie down at night with the hope of rising in the morning, they still would have it believed that Ireland was in the highest state of insubordination. He, however, was far from thinking that any such danger existed. He could state that no information received by His Majesty's ministers on the subject would lead to that conclusion. He then proceeded to account for the increase of the army, specifying the Burmese war, the conflict raging in the vicinity of the Mediterranean, and the necessity of keeping up a force in Canada, as the cause of this increase, and concluded by eulogizing the discretion with which the independence of South America had been recognized.

Mr. Alderman Thompson seconded the address. After complimenting his noble friend on the impression produced by his speech, he proceeded to make a few remarks on the foreign relations of the country. It must be highly gratifying to the country to learn, that through the mediation of his Majesty, the differences which existed between the Emperor of Russia and the Ottoman Port had been brought to an amicable issue; that tre was no prospect of the friendly intercourse which subsisted between this country and foreign Powers being disturbed; but, on the contrary, there was a well-founded expectation of a continuance of that good understanding which had now existed for many years, and which had chiefly contributed to raise this country to its present state of prosperity. Whilst on this subject, he would advert to an event which had lately occurred in France, the circumstances connected with which had offered strong evidence of the happy change which had taken place in the feelings and opinions of the people of that country, and offered a substantial pledge of permanent tranquillity. He alluded to the demise of the late King of France an event which was contemplated with no inconsiderable anxiety by the people of every state in Europe. The termination of the life of that monarch was regarded as the last hope of the advocates for revolution; but, thanks to a benign Providence, their expectations had been disappointed: we had witnessed the sceptre of France pass into the hands of his legitimate successor without the slightest disorder, thus satisfactorily exhibiting to the world that the present dynasty of France rested on the most solid foundation. He was led to these observations from a wish to show, that the peace we now enjoyed was likely to continue, and that the country was rapidly advancing to a state which might be viewed as affording an indemnity for the vast sacrifices she had made in the accomplishment of the general peace and tranquillity of Europe. With respect to the fallen state of Spain, the declarations of the Government of France might, he thought, be safely confided in. He believed Charles X. to be sincere when he declared that his object in maintaining a military occupation of a part of Spain was not for the purpose of territorial aggrandizement, but with a view of protection to his own dominions. In proportion as that danger subsided, would he withdraw his army from Spain. His accession to the crown had been distinguished by a liberal policy, exemplified in the restoration of the liberty of the press and other institutions, which were in unison with a progressive state of tranquillity and civilization." He then repeated the statements

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concerning the South American States; and Mr. Brougham regretted to state, that he went on to observe that it was to be lamented, was under the necessity, not only of exthat at a moment when British capital was be- pressing his dissent from, but also of entering ginning to diffuse itself through Ireland-when his solemn protest against, some and those the benefits of an unrestricted commercial in- not the least important, parts of the speech tercourse between the two countries were daily which had just been read to them. He exemplified-whilst measures were also in pro- felt, however, great satisfaction in being gress which could not fail to ameliorate the able, before he stated them, to concur in condition of the lower orders of Irish popula- the satisfaction which had been expressed tion-that those beneficial effects were impeded on the removal of restrictions from comby the obtrusive interference of misguided in- merce, and on the recognition of South dividuals, who were exasperating animosities, American independence. In giving that asdiverting the attention of certain classes of His sent, he could not claim for himself any Majesty's faithful subjects from honest industry, extraordinary stretch of candour. He was and levying a species of tax upon a portion of rather withheld, as were many of his hon. the people of that country, with no other object friends, from giving their due praise to the than to enable those mistaken individuals to measures alluded to, since they were meaattempt to overawe the Parliament of the Unit-sures which gentlemen on his side of the ed Kingdom. He next adverted to that part house had many years ago urged in vain, of His Majesty's Speech which related to the upon those who at that time were intrusted improving state of our agricultural interests, with the administration of the country. The of our trade, commerce, manufactures, and principles, he hoped, were at an end which navigation. It could not fail to be gratifying to had so long hampered the industry of the every Englishman, to behold our country, after people of England. Those doctrines of a narrow, a war of unprecedented length, carried on at shop-keeping, huckstering policy, which for an expense to the people to which history af- two generations back had been the topic of unforded no parallel, not merely recovered from qualified scorn and reprobation to all enlightthe state of exhaustion attendant upon such a ened writers, but which had been regularly struggle, but raised to a degree of prosperity defended by each successive minister, during and glory unknown at any period. In proof that period, as the foundations of national whereof, he would advert to the increase of our greatness, could never more be advanced to revenue: the branch of Excise had exceeded obstruct the prosperity of the country. He the amount of the preceding year, by upwards had heard them treated as idle chimeras by one of 1,100,000l.; and there was an increase in set of ministers, and as jacobinical innovations the Customs nearly equal to that in the Excise. by another, just as it was the fashion of the Whatever part of England you visited, there day to regard them as objects of contempt or were presented to your view a happy, contented, of abhorrence; and yet he, who had seen them and industrious population; whether employed first contemned and then abhorred, had now in the manufactories of our great staples, or in the happiness to say, that they had reached the cultivation of the soil. Within the short the consummation of their glory, that they were period of five years, he had heard gentlemen topics of congratulation in a King's Speech, declare that England was a declining country, and in both Houses of Parliament. Eight years -that in commerce, manufactures, and navi- ago he had himself submitted the very modifigation, she was incapable to enter into success- cations in the navigation laws which had lately ful competition with any foreign rivals,-that been adopted. He claimed no merit-the inthe means by which she must sustain her public vention was not his own, but that of greater credit, were rapidly diminishing. And might and much wiser men. He had ventured, howhe not now ask, triumphantly, how had these ever, to preach them more than once-ineffecgloomy predictions been verified? He then tually, indeed, at the time, but, as now it apalluded to the happy effects of the improved peared, with undeniable success at last. Then, state of our commercial code. In the first however, he was not only blamed for so preplace, the official value of the exports of sumptuous an attempt, but admonished never British manufactured goods during 1824, showed again to preach such damnable heresies to the an increase of no less than four millions and a half house. At the same time he had also proposed sterling over those of 1823, bringing the total the changes which had recently been adopted value in 1824, to 50,758,800l., by far the largest in the silk trade. They were assailed, on his export ever made by this country. The transit first propounding them, with great and extratrade bad also, under the beneficial influence ordinary severity. He was told that though of the improved warehousing system, experi- they might appear very plausible in theory, enced a marked increase; the act only took every person in the trade considered them inefect in July 1823, and in 1824, as compared applicable to practice; he was even met by with a like period of twelve months preceding, the taunt, that what he advanced might be very there was an increase in value of more than true, but that it looked very much like an inge1,200,0001. After mentioning the improve- nious sophism. "I trust," said one gentleman, ments which had occurred in several branches whom he now saw before him, “ that I shall of production, he observed that the prosperous never see any ministry attempting to legislate state and improving condition of our agricul- upon such a subject." "God protect me," ture form a topic of pleasing reflection. He said another, "if any man attempt to withdraw was anxious, however, to state his opinion, this corner-stone of our commercial policy. that such prosperity was not in any manner attri-Let no man meddle with it by day or by night;" butable to the existing corn laws, which ought to undergo alteration. He was an advocate for their repeal, and the substitution of a protecting duty equal to a fair equivalent for the poor rates, tithes, &c., paid by our farmers as compared with other countries.

and he might have added, in the interval between midnight and morning, which of all times for meddling was certainly the most objectionable (a laugh). "Thank God," said a third, in a fit of pious enthusiasm, "we shall never live to see the day, when the principles avowed

THE ADDRESS.

by the gentlemen opposite shall be sanctioned | When touching upon this subject it could not by His Majesty's Ministers." Ministers, how-fail to recur to him, that many a long year beever, had carried into effect all the detestable fore Mexico, Colombia, Buenos Ayres, or Peru, nostrums of that side of the house; they had had ever dreamed of independence, another taken an entire leaf out of the book of their people had embarked in a successful contest for opponents; they had even enacted measures to freedom-he meant the people of St. Domingo, legalize the heresies of Adam Smith and the who had long and long since succeeded in estaFrench economists, and to stamp with that odi-blishing their entire independence, upon a more ous name the opinions of their adversaries: nay peaceable, and now a more assured footing, more, the country was now called to thank God than even the best established of the new Southfor having ministers who had courage to sup- American States. At the onset of the St. Doport such measures, though it was formerly mingo revolution, England was hostile to the called upon to thank God for having ministers natives; she became so from the situation of her who had courage to oppose them. He thanked people as slave-masters. But the question of God that measures had been taken by them to slavery, so far as St. Domingo was concerned, recognize the principles for which he and those had been long since set at rest; the natives had who thought with him had long contended with entirely emancipated themselves, and the island What they had had become a thriving empire-one which had so little immediate success. a right to be included in the British system. It done, however, was chiefly to be prized as a was clearly the interest of our own colonies pledge that a better policy than the past would be pursued in future. For example, they had that it should be so; we owed it as well to our adopted the recommendations which he had pro- colonial whites as to their unhappy slaves; posed in 1817, regarding the navigation and the and we ought to lose no time in adopting that silk laws. It was a well-known observation of just and salutary policy. He would now ask, was this display of liberal policy to stop here? Dr. Swift, that in political arithmetic two and two did not always make four. He had ob- Was this essential administration of justice to served, long ago, that with respect to the last be confined to our foreign colonies? Were we laid wine duties, two and two did not make never to do justice nearer home-were we never to listen to the voice of Ireland? Was it there four. In the case of coffee, by lowering the alone that policy was to be overlooked; and duty, they had increased the consumption; so that, too, where a great population was opthat where they meant to add two-and-two, as in the case of wine, they had decreased, and not pressed by a continuance of matchless impolicy, doubled the amount of duty; whereas, when and worse injustice, because Ministers withthey reduced the duties upon coffee one-half, drew from the adjustment of a question, which ere long must be definitively settled. There was they had doubled, or nearly doubled, the consumption, and maintained the full amount of an evident danger in trifling with a vital subthe revenue. Let the wine duty, then, at once ject, which could not be set aside. There was in the Government, no doubt, too great a differbe reduced; aud, above all, let there be not only a reduction, but an equalization of difference of opinion upon the Irish question, as there ent wine duties for all foreign countries he meant, in fact, a general revision of the Methuen treaty. One good effect which would arise from such a revision, would be the establishment of a better understanding with the French Government, the lowering of the duties upon other French articles, and the increase of the foreign consumption of British manufacture. He next alluded to the approach lately made by Government to that just and liberal policy, so often recommended from that side of the house, in the recognition of some of the great Governments of South America. How much of this policy, great as it undoubtedly was, belonged to the country which had so strongly and repeatedly called for it-how much to the executive Government-how far, or how long the Ministers had been driving or driven into ithow little was the speed of their march-how small was their reluctance, or what was the measure or degree of their readiness to do this justice to the country and the new states, it were now perhaps unnecessary, if not invidious to inquire. How much of it was due to the great speech delivered by his learned friend (Sir J. M'Intosh) upon the Foreign-enlistment bill, as well as to his last equally great addre-s, during the last session, upon the state of South America, it was not easy to say: but sure he was that there was no man either within or without that house, who could fail to ascribe portion, a large portion, of this great and iberal, and sound triumph of right policy, over wrong policy, to his learned and excellent friend (hear, hear). The good was done, and by whatever process it had been effected, the recognition had luckily taken place at last.

had been upon others; but surely not more than
there had been upon the mercantile topics.
There had been something like the same differ-
ence on the silk bill; they could not fail to re-
collect, that it was brought into this house and
carried by one minister, and thrown out in the
Lords by another. An equal difficulty had been
found in reconciling the conflicting opinions of
the Cabinet at an early period of the South
American question. It was by some called
jacobinical to urge the claims of the new states
of South America, until at length a minister,
backed by the voice of the people, and sup-
ported by their representatives, had the manli-
ness to press forward those liberal measures of
foreign policy which some of his colleagues
denounced. It might be said, that if such a
minister should persevere in this novel course,
he might be compelled to resign. Was this to
be the reason for delay? Was this conduct to
be tolerated in a British minister? And if it
were, were they, then, to consent to say "The
danger is, we admit, great, but touch it not?”
Let them not in these times, be told that there
were particular scruples, in a high quarter, which
could not bear to be touched. This language
had, he knew, been used on a former occasion;
but it was unjustifiable-it was unconstitu-
tional-it was intolerable-it would have been
hardly used to a House of Commons by a mi-
nister of Charles II.; and sure he was that, if
used in the better times which preceded
that reign, it would have brought a minister
to the block. It was Mr. Fox's constitu-
tional maxim that the name of the King should
never be mentioned in debate, to influence or
overawe. The great constitutional practice was,

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