that when an act of grace was to be performed, | who was to blame? Not so much the Catholics, the King was to have the gracious merit of who had sent over a bill with such propositions— what was done; and that it was only when mea- not so much the Association, who had framed it sures of an odious and unpopular character but those whose impolicy had originated the were necessary, that ministers were to step for-association, had made it what it was, by contiward and assume the whole opprobrium which nued oppression and insult. The Catholics first attached to them. This was the constitutional came to Parliament with a respectful request, maxim which had always prevailed, except in and were met by refusal, and contumely: the the worst times, and which never, until of natural result was, an insolent and unreasonable late, had been departed from. The practice demand. Why not then revoke this policy? was otherwise, now. If there were any thing Why not redress grievances in Ireland and odious to be done-any political opponent to apply conciliation instead of coercion? They be run down-" Oh then," ministers ex- could not answer for the result until they had claimed, "it is not our fault, we wish to do made the trial. But what was the ground of what is right; we are above these petty jea- alarm when the experiment was suggested? He lousies; we do not wish, nor mean, profes- knew that high, very high, in that cabinet was sionally, to injure a political opponent; but to be found the greatest learning, with the most don't you see we are delicately placed ?" experienced talents combined-were they afraid Then followed the allusion to the Sovereign, as of losing the benefit of these great acquirements the imperative director of the act, so that these by pressing an obnoxious measure upon a parofficial personages cast upon the Crown the ticular individual? What, did they think the odium of any unpopular act, whilst they care- great seal would be in danger if they pressed fully preserved to themselves the popularity of this question? Did they think the venerable and more liberal measures. So it was once regarding learned person who held it would quit his posIreland; the name of his late Majesty had been session on that account? Great God! the very used for the purpose of rendering it impossible notion of such abandonment of office was the most at a former period to proceed with the Catholic chimerical of all the chimeras that ever disquestion. But this plea, bad as it was, was tempered the brain of a poet (loud laughter). now removed, as must be known by any person Surprised indeed should he be, to find any quitwho had marked his present Majesty's most tance of office in that quarter, before all subgracious conduct in his cordial and gratifying lunary things were at an end. That fear of visit to Ireland, which had demonstrated his public loss never crossed his apprehensive mind just and enlightened feelings towards the Irish even in a dream. They greatly undervalued the people. He would add, too, that in the terri- steadiness of mind and purpose of their venertory in which George IV. reigned as King of able colleague; there was nothing to equal the Hanover, and where he acted individually, and patient assiduity with which he bore the toils not as in Great Britain, under the guidance of of his high station, the fortitude with which he what were called responsible advisers-they had endured to be thwarted: upon all questions of not long since an opportunity of knowing the foreign and domestic trade he had at length conKing's real sentiments, in the decree which he sented to yield-ay, and so would he upon this graciously promulgated at the opening of the Catholic question if it were equally pressed States, and of which he had procured a copy. upon his reluctant attention. His composure He earnestly hoped that this decree from the under such circumstances was only equalled by King of Hanover personally, would be taken the fortitude with which he bore the prolonged as a hint, for ministers to adopt a more liberal solicitations of the suitors in his own court. To policy towards Ireland. His Hanoverian Ma- suppose that he would quit office on this acjesty was most graciously pleased to say," that count, was really to harbour the vainest fear the general professors of the Christian faith are that ever crossed the most fantastical imaginato enjoy a perfect equality of civil and political tion; his colleagues would see this, were they rights in the kingdom of Hanover, and in con- only to make the attempt upon the prepossesformity to the 14th article of the constitution, sións of his great mind; they would soon find the pre-eminence of a predominant church is the predominating prevalence of that patriotic abandoned." This declaration became a So- feeling, that there was no principle so strong as vereign, who felt that a truly tolerant man the love of saving one's country, and that in no never used the word. Such a man must offices was it so forcibly felt as in those of the feel, that toleration was an indispensable highest rank, in those possessing the most extenduty, and not a boon. It was the inalienable right sive patronage and connexions; and that so much of man to worship his Maker according to the the more powerful and profitable were the dictates of his own conscience, and no man had office, so much higher would be the ardour, and a right to interpose and prevent the exercise of zeal, and self-devotion which would not allow it (hear, hear). The King's decree went on the venerable, the wise and good man, at all further to promulgate," that all Christian com-hazard of personal opinions, to tear himself from munities had a right to the unobstructed and the service of his country. To damp such zeal peaceable exercise of their religious worship." for the public service would be, he repeated, to Ought not that house boldly to come forward, possess a power superior to that of Prince and, consistently with the royal act, do for Hohenlohe. To remove this great personage Ireland what had been done for Hanover would be a real miracle; the seals were his es(hear, hear)? He was now putting aside the tate-his freehold; he had secured the term, and business of the Catholic Association, although his last breath would be poured forth in the pubthe acts attributed to that body were the ge- lic service. The only question in law upon the nuine fruit of the policy pursued towards Ire-matter was-who was to appoint his successor ? land. He had predicted such a consequence. If there had been extravagant and harsh language used by any of the Catholic body-if there had been extravagant propositions discussed-if an alarm had been the consequence,

He was not, for his unabated desire to do good to mankind, to be restricted to a mere life interest; the office must in him be devisable, and for the uses of his will. Indeed, there were indications which in a measure pointed to the

THE ADDress.

body their hearty and unqualified support.
They might not, perhaps, all think alike upon
the whole of the measures of the Association;
nevertheless, the great bulk of the body sanc
tioned the entire of their proceedings. There,
were some who disliked the particular speeches
of individuals: among these was the Attorney-
General for Ireland; and yet, when he sent up
an obnoxious speech to the scrutiny of a
grand jury, he found that they were not pre-
pared to assist in prosecuting the party. He
regretted that his learned friend had taken
such a course, after the late Mr. Gratian,
the Attorney-General for Ireland, had done
more than any other man of his time, for the
claims of the Catholics. If any man, then, had
planted, and fostered, and fathered this very as-
sociation, his learned friend was that man.
There were many who did not approve of the
Catholic rent, or the manner of its collection, but
who were still cordial friends of the association,
and who would adhere to it, as the representative
of their sentiments, and would feel an attack
made upon it, as a declaration of war against the
Catholic people of Ireland. Besides, how they
were to put down this association, without
equally extinguishing hundreds of others, was
beyond what his imagination could comprehend.
What was to become of the Bible Society, which
raised, not 8,0001. or 9,000l., like the Catholic
Association, but 80,0001. or 90,0001.,-which
had struck its roots deeply into the soil, and
spread its branches far and wide-which com-

successor, although that successor would find | himself disappointed, if he hoped to get office during the natural life of the present holder (renewed laughter). To be sure, one metaber of the cabinet might say, I will resign if this measure is not carried,' and another might reply Let the rt. hon. 6 And so will I, if it is." gent. opposite (Mr. Canning) only make this experiment with his noble colleague upon the Catholic question, as he had done upon the commercial bills, and the nation would not, he might depend upon it, be deprived for one hour of the inestimable benefit of his colleague's public services (hear, hear). Unhappily, the rt. hon. gent. made no such effort, and therefore the Catholics were put off; from year to year-from one crisis to another-in time of war, or in time of peace, the Catholics were to be turned aside, and for them alone the hour of redress was never to approach (hear, hear). Penal enactments were the answer to their petitions, and now again they were called upon to put down, not the association, but "associations." This was one of the sliest insertions that ever crept into a form of speech. The venerable and learned personage in the cabinet had added this letters; he knew his hand-writing (laughter), and the object was plain and palpable; "Make it plural, and then we shall have the votes of those who are anxious to put down the Orange Associations, and who will admire by anticipation the mode in which we poise the equal balance in our hands, and determine to put down faction in Ireland." He, how-prehended great sects and illustrious names ever, conjured hon. members to exercise their common sense. They would soon find that the justice was only nominal-that it partook of those subtle equities, from the precincts of which it sprung-that the strong and irresistible band of the law would be called forth to put down the Catholics, whilst the Orange Association would be only visited with a gentle tap (bear). To the introduction of this principle, therefore, he must at once oppose all the resistance in his power; he could not assent to it under any form, or with any qualification. If the Catholic Association had transgressed the principles of the constitution, and embarked in measures irreconcileable with the supremacy of the law, the more it was to be regretted. He bad never in his life approved of all the measures of any association, still less had he ever approved of all the measures of a society united by a mixed bond of religious and political principles, where men's feelings now and then became roused, and sometimes carried them in their warmth over the strict line of propriety. But he thought their moderation had been exemplary, and their language-which had been sneered at by the noble lord (Gower), but which it would have been more prudent in him to have endeavoured to imitate than to have sneered "Oh, said the noble lord, at was moderate. "I am not disposed to treat them with contempt!" That he-that he-most noble and most honourable as he was-should have it go forth to six millions of suffering fellow-subjects, and that the very first time, perhaps, they had ever heard of his name-that he did not mean to treat them with contempt, was certainly singular. To speak of such people with contempt, was quite out of the question-not even that most contemptuous of all contemners, Signor Pococurante, would The great bulk have said so (a laugh). of the Catholic community had given to that

amongst its directors and supporters-which
had dignitaries of the church at its head, and a
peer of Parliament for its president-which
could boast amongst its members Lord Bexley,
and Lord Liverpool-a peer with whom, in
the new commercial policy, he had often the
honour to act (a laugh). There was also the
Bridge-street Association, of which the Duke
of Wellington was a President. This, it was
true, was only a society for prosecuting libel-
lers; they did not attempt to stand up for a re-
dress of old grievances; their office was rather
to check complaints than to originate them—to
exercise the power of ex-officio prosecutions,
without the responsibility of the Attorney-Ge-
neral, for whom that power was intended. What
was to become, he would ask, of this society?
He would fain hope that this intention would be
abandoned. He conjured the ministersto pause
before they advanced a step farther in such a
system of legislation. He protested against the
principle of such a measure; he could ot even
allow the papers to be laid upon the table which
were to form its basis, without proclaiming its
injustice. From that very moment he would
take his stand, and oppose it inch by inch, and
step by step, as a measure pregnant with enor-
mous mischief, bottomed upon injustice, and
filled with all the ingredients of coercion and
impolicy, which if persevered in would sooner
or later lead to the severance of the two king-
doms (loud cheers). The peace of Ireland
secured by the Catholic Association
was
(hear, hear); Ireland had never been more tran-
quil than now, through the reliance of the
people upon that body. This was the fact; let
the house describe it as it might please-cloak
it over with any form of words-this was the
doing of the Catholic Association (hear, hear).
The people of Ireland once confided in Parlia-
ment; but the conduct of their friends in al
ways supporting emancipation, except

66

u'

cipation, he must, as a supporter of that question, express his entire accordance with his hon. friend who spoke last-that so far from the Association being identified with the interests of the Catholics, its institution and conduct more resembled the scheme of an enemy who had devised it for thwarting the progress of the question of emancipation in this country. The worst enemy of the Catholic religion could not have hit upon means more certain he could not have imagined a plan so successfully mischievous as the institution of the Cathole Association. To one question of the learned gent. he would advert as particalarly deserving of an answer. He had asked, if no steps were taken by the Government, with a view to check this Association, might not the mischief die away? It was at one time his own opinion that it would. He appealed for proof of it to his conduct in the last session of Parliament. Had the learned gent. forgotten how ministers were then goaded to stifle the restless spirit which was then said to prevail ? Had he forgotten the answer then given, that they thought it better to wait until the mischief should die away of itself; and at all events they declined calling upon the house for any extraordinary expedient until the effect of patience were fairly tried? The learned gent.'s mode of handling this subject was most singular. To prove that the existence of the Catholic Association was at least harmless, he ought to have shewn that they were a few zealous individuals, who did not profess to represent the people of Ireland—who had no design of assuming the character of a Government. But the learned gent. exaggerated even their own most gross and exaggerated account. He told the house that the Catholic Association was the Government of the country. "You are indebted," said he, "to the Catholic Association for the peace and tranquillity of Ireland." He entirely overlooked the ad

particular circumstances," and of the Parlia-tholic Association, as relating to Catholic Emanment in as constantly rejecting it, had alienated the Catholic people. They now confided in the Association. And why should that house complain? Was it not their own handy work? Swift, among his shrewd maxims, had one that-there was nothing so unreasonable as for people to make themselves ridiculous, and then be angry at others for laughing at them. So it was with Government; they ⚫ first made rebels by their injustice and impolicy; put them down they must, in order to keep the Government going: but after that, came vituperation and reproaches, which kept up the former soreness. Twas true, there was no talk of rebellion, but if any thing could invite it to our shores, it would be the delay of justice to the Catholic people. He warned them against waiting under the plea of a more convenient season; it would be better to relent even in the twelfth hour. It was madness-it was the grossest imprudence to keep the former course. That minister was not worthy of the credit which would attach to the very meanest and least significant of those measures which had been introduced for the comparatively light purpose of benefitting commerce, who could hope, by the adoption of violent means in putting down the Catholic Association, to satisfy the demand which was made upon him for the adoption of a liberal policy. The associations might be put down in eight-and-forty hours. It was their own fault that they were there. Let it once be seen that the Government and the Parliament were sincere-let the conviction once take effect that justice would be secured by the enforcement of equal laws, and there would be an end to associations. That they might be wise enough to yield in time to the reasonable petition of six millions of their oppressed subjects, was rather his earnest prayer and wish than his belief. But his conscience prompted him to call upon them to adopt this as the fittest time for conciliation and redress, while, as to the policy hi-ministration of the last three years. He left therto pursued, and for aught he knew yet to be continued, he was determined to relieve his own mind from the guilty responsibility of acquiescence (loud cheers).

out of view the eminent services of the Marquis Wellesley, in retrieving, by the equal justice of his government, the authority due to the laws. He forgot that the sunshine of GovernMr. W. Lamb said there were many associa- ment was shared equally by Catholic and Protions in this country, expressly engaged in testant, and that the favours of the Crown were raising money by legal means. It was bighly nothing. It was not to this that the tranquillity desirable that such bodies should be enabled to of Ireland was attributable; her repose, says meet to manage their own proper interests. the learned gent. is the work of the Catholic But what would be said if they went to add to Association! Most earnestly was it to be wished their private affairs the consideration of those that the current of that wise and benevolent of the whole country? He could even admit administration had been suffered to pursue its that the subscriptions to the Catholic Associa-course unimpeded, and to have flowed through tion might be legal; but if he found that the the land unmixed with these waters of bitterRoman Catholic priesthood were engaged in ness: collecting them, and were to be consulted as to Doris amara suam non intermisceat undam.” their employment, he should deem that a circumstance symptomatic of the deepest alarm. Nor was that alarm at lessened by the recollection that that priesthood claim an actual delegation of the powers of omnipotence, professing that whatever they bound or loosened on earth, whether absolution and remission of sius, pardons plenary or in part, the same was bound or loosened in heaven. He maintained that the operations of a clergy, pretending to such power, should be watched with rigid scrutiny. He was, notwithstanding, friend to Catholic Emancipation, and should support such a measure, if proposed.

Mr. Canning:-With respect to the Ca

Whatever disappointment awaited the great measure of emancipation must be ascribed to that body. But it seemed that the Catholic Association was the cause of that peace which the Government had been unable to achieve. By what charm had they brought about this object? whence did they obtain their magical elements of concord? From the pit of Acheron! Their combination was cemented by an adjaration of horror-" Be peaceable, they said, by the hatred which you bear the Orangemen!" This was the charm by which they extracted peace out of hatred. Good God! was it for reasoning men to put such a bond of union

into writing, and when called upon to explain | assurance to the Crown, that they would take themselves, deliberately to affirm the deed? an early opportunity of considering the Could this be Catholicism? He trusted not; for means of putting down so enormous an evil. if it were, he had been in a fatal error in advo- The learned gent. seemed to treat lightly all cating the Catholic cause (cheers.) Did the those measures which a liberal policy had learned gent., did the Catholic Association adopted for the advantage of trade, and know so little of the English people, as to sup- the recognition of the new states. The pose that intimidation could avail them? Every learned gent. was not an unfrequent speaker in sentence of that nature must operate as an in- that house, and when he favoured them, he was junction on their advocates to hold their peace, not remarkable for conciseness-mixing up till the impression of that violence could be with the matter of debate, dissertations de omni effaced from the minds of the English people. scibili. As, in the course of his Parliamentary Let no one consider him, therefore, as opposing life, the learned gent. had proposed and supthe Catholic claims. He wished to separate ported every species and degree of innovation the Catholic Association and the Catholic ques- which could be practised in a settled governtion, the learned gent. wished to confound ment, it was not very easy for ministers to do them. He did them an essential benefit, in any thing in the affair of South America, or ridding them of that incubus, in removing any other, without seeming to borrow somewhat was unsightly and unbecoming, and ad- thing from the learned gent. Their views vanced their cause in the estimation of every might be shut up-by circumstances which they man who hated to be bullied, or who possessed must consult, though he need not-as among a sense of independence. He was sorry to ice in a northern winter. In time the thawing detain the house with personal explanations, came; but break away in what direction they but the learned gent. had asked him-almost in would, to the left or right, it was all alike. so many words," Why do not you, who have "Oho!" said the learned gent. "I was carried a particular question against the views there before you-you could not have thought. of an opposing minister, insist on carrying the of that now, if I had not given you a hint.” Catholic question?" He objected to both pre- In the reign of Queen Anne there was a sage mise and conclusion. Suppose the premise and grave critic of the name of Dennis, who true, did the learned gent. see no difference got it into his head that he wrote all the good between the South American and the Catholic plays that were acted at that time. At last a question?" What had a minister to fear," tragedy came forth with a most imposing asked the learned gent. " with this house, these storm of hail and thunder. At the first peal, benches, all England at his back?" He would "That's my thunder," said Dennis (loud answer with another question; "What would laughter). So, with the learned gent., there a minister do with only these benches, and with was no noise or stir for the good of mankind in ne England at his back" (cheers, and laugh- any part of the globe, but he instantly claimed ter)? He should reserve to himself the right of it for his thunder. One thing he had, however, judging how, when, and at what period, and in kindly thrown overboard, which was to be what manner, to give up either his office or his divided between Government and his learned life in support of that or any other cause; he friend (Sir J. M'Intosh). He wished to hear from would not consent to have the opportunity that learned member to what degree he claimed chosen for him, especially by one who might South America for his thunder (laughter)? have some collateral interest in giving his The learned gent, was very cautious in his praise. advice (laughter). In the notion that a certain Much had been done to which he could not obmember of the Cabinet, who was opposed to ject; but then, for fear that they should feel too him on the Catholic question, was also opposed proud, he suggested that things might have been to him on that of South America; the learned made better, especially as to time. Now if he gent. was entirely mistaken. He assured him piqued himself upon any thing in the South that the line which divided the Cabinet was not American negociations, it was upon the substraight, but serpentine. The project of ject of time. As to the propriety of admitting breaking it up, on account of one question, states which had successfully shaken off their might not be difficult; that of forming a new dependence on the mother country to the rights one from the different benches of that house, of nations, there could be no dispute. There would be found not quite so easy. No doubt a were two ways, however, of proceeding, competent ministry might be selected from the either recklessly and with a hurried course, by benches opposite; but if the learned gent. which the object might be soon reached, and alcould have the satisfaction of ousting him, he most as soon lost-or by a course so strictly would not, in all probability, have the satisfac-guarded, that no principle was violated and no tion of succeeding him (cheers, and laughter). All he desired of the house was, to consider rightly the terms which were objected to in the address. The King stated in the Speech, that associations existed in Ireland, for whose conduct it was recommended to consider of an adequate remedy. The house replied, by promising that it would do so. What less could the house do? Unless, taking the learned gent.'s description of the Catholic Association, as a body possessing the whole authority in Ireland, enjoying undivided allegiance, exercising all the powers of Government, issuing the only commands which were effectually obeyed, and levying revenues-unless they were prepared to say that a power thus formidable ought to exist-to sit beside the Government, or to tower above it-they could not refuse their

offence given to other Powers. The three States with which Government had to deal, were Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Mexico. As to Buenos Ayres, it was true many years had elapsed since there had been a Spanish soldier on the soil. But his learned friend knew well that Buenos Ayres comprised 13 or 14 small and separate states, which were not till lately collected into a federal union. Would it not have been absurd to have treated with a power incapable of answering for the conduct of the communities of which it was composed? So soon as it was known that a consolidation had taken place, the treaty with Buenos-Ayres was signed. Next as to Colombia. As late as 1822, Puerto Cabello was held for the King of Spain. It was only since that time that Colombia could have been admitted amongst the

independent States. Some time after that, how should have gained our object, and still remain ever he spoke it not as imputing blame Co- at peace with all the world (cheers). There lombia chose to risk her whole force and a were one or two points in the Speech on which great part of her treasure in a distant war with it would be proper that he should say a few! Spain, in Peru. Had that enterprise proved words. He alluded more particularly to the disastrous, it would have ended in re-establish- treaty with the United States of America, re- ishing the royal authority. The danger was lative to the slave trade. At the beginning of the now at an end. The case of Mexico was still last session of Parliament, a proposal was remore striking. Not nine months ago, an ad- ceived from the United States, to carry into ! venturer who had wielded the sceptre of Mex-effect a measure for putting an end to the slaveico left these shores to return thither and resume trade, by giving to each power the right of his abdicated throne. In neither of these mutual search. The treaty was drawn up by cases, could the time of the negociation have the Ministers of the United States; and in the been anticipated even by a few weeks. Now course of the negociation, some alterations were with respect to the mode in which this great made here. By the constitution of the United object was effected, he was bound to say, what-States, the right of ratification was placed, ever fault had been found with it, that it was not in the Executive Power, but in the Exethe best and wisest that could have been cutive Power and the senate. This country, adopted. The learned gent. had said, that there therefore, had no right to complain, "when a was something mean and paltry in negociating treaty, regularly negotiated and signed by his a treaty, as the prelude to recognition. Now Majesty, was refused by the American authowhat was the conduct of France with respect rities, unless alterations were made in it by the to the United States of America? The fact United States. But the singularity of the case was, that the ambassadors of the United States was this-that the alteration proposed by the were not admitted to the Court of France until United States had no reference to the alteration the signature of a treaty. Such was the mode | introduced by the British Cabinet, but was an of recognition in that case; and the treaty was alteration in their original draught. By the quoted to this country as a confession of that original treaty, the Americans were to be per-" act. France not only acknowledged the inde-mitted to search our ships in the West Indies, pendence of the United States before it was and we in return were to search their ships off recognized by the mother country, but she the coast of America. They withdrew the entered into a treaty of alliance, offensive and clause which empowered us to search their defensive, with those States; and thus she be- ships. The mutual right of search was thus came the enemy of England, with whom she destroyed, and it was impossible for this Gohad previously maintained relations of amity. vernment, either as a question of policy, or as a Did those who opposed the course adopted by matter of justice to the West India proprietors, His Majesty's Ministers intend to argue, that to allow such an alteration; for it would have this measure was imperfect because it was not been a tacit admission that our slave-laws were accompanied by a war? The task which he evaded by the colonies, but that the American had had to perform was, to arrive at this slave-laws were not so evaded. Under these great object, without giving just cause of circumstances, we proposed to cancel that war to Spain or any other power (hear, hear). treaty, and to send a minister for the purpose There might be something mean and huckstering of forming a new one, which should be drawn in this mode of proceeding, but if the learned up verbatim as the treaty originally stood, gent. thought that war was not to be had, with This was the situation in which the matter was some little dexterity (a laugh), he was exceed-now placed, and he did not think that a refusal ingly mistaken. War lay here and there; it was on the right, and on the left of our pathour course lay in the middle: we took that course, and arrived at the object of our solicitude honourably and peaceably. Was this mode of proceeding unsatisfactory, because there did not exist in the archives of his office, a single document which Spain had not seen, and of which the Powers in alliance with this country had not been supplied with copies? Or because Spain was told, that if she would take the precedence, in recognizing the independence of the colonies, this country would be content to follow her steps, and to allow to her a superiority in the markets of those colonies? Now be would say to the learned gent., that the credit of the measure might be his, or it might be that of his learned friend (Sir J. M'Intosh); but he would claim for himself the merit of selecting the time, and of devising the mode in which the object was effected. He trusted, that by this plain conduct-this temperate-tardy policy, if they pleased so to call it-the country had avoided all the dangers which otherwise would have accompanied the recognition. He did not pretend to conceal, that by this step, we had hurt many feelings run counter to many interests-shocked many prejudices excited many regrets, much anger and indignation; but still he hoped that these feelings would evaporate in words, and that we

to accede to so reasonable a proposition could
stand the test of public discussion in America.
He thought the Americans themselves must feel
that they had no choice left but that of adopting
the expedient which the British Government
bad pointed out. The whole discussion had
been carried on in a spirit of the most perfect
amity; and he believed the personal feelings
of the Executive Government of the United
States were in favour of the arrangement.
The house adjourned.

FRIDAY, FEB. 4.-On the question that the report on the Address be brought up,

Mr. Hobhouse said, that as His Majesty bad congratulated Parliament on the pros perity of the country, and the amity which prevailed in our relations with foreign Pow◄ ers, it was remarkable that although Ireland was particularly represented as partaking of the tranquillity, a change of the criminal code, not merely of Ireland, but also of England, was recommended; and notwithstand -ing the peaceable aspect of foreign affairs, an increase of our standing army was advised

as if Ireland were expected to break out into rebellion, and the Holy Allies were dis posed to march their armies into France and thence proceed to annoy our shores. At was impossible to allow such topics to be embodied in the address, without protesting against them