stantial shape than that, which it as sumed in parliament, last year.

Before entering into the question, we must remind our readers of the course which it has taken since the views of the abolitionists have been directed to the emancipation of the slaves; for it is not until of late that their attention has been ex

period that may be, consistently with the wel fare of the slaves themselves, the well being of the colonies, and a fair and equitable consideration of the state of property therein."

The administration followed up this decision, by sending the resolutions to all the colonies, with a circular letter ad dressed to the different governors, direct

tended from the slave-trade, to the subjecting them to recommend to the colonial of slavery itself. In 1825, Mr. Wilberforce, having strong reasons to suspect that Negroes were surreptitiously introduced into the colonies, proposed that the slaves should be registered, in order to ascertain whether any new ones were imported or not. This measure produced violent beats amongst the planters; and, in some of the islands, fatal commotions amongst the Negroes. In Barbadoes, the slaves, who were deluded by the notion that instructions had gone out to concert measures for bettering their condition, which were resisted by the whites, rose and committed great devastations, and were not put down without the loss of more than a thousand of their lives. The question slumbered until 1822, when the Honse of Commons, at the suggestion of Mr. Wilberforce, addressed the Crown, requesting that precautions might be taken that the emigrants of the Cape of Good Hope should not cultivate their grants of land with slave-labour. This motion was

the signal for the abolitionists to resume their efforts. Accordingly, in the next session, the tables of the two houses were covered with petitions for the extinction of slavery, some of which were couched in the most intemperate terms. The subject agitated the public to an unprecedented degree, and was brought before the House of Commons by Mr. F. Buxton, who proposed the abolition of slavery on the ground of its being opposed to Christianity and the Constitution: but his motion was superseded by the following resolutions adopted at the suggestion of Mr. Canning:

"That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for meliorating the condition of the slave population of His Majesty's co

lonies.

"That through a determined and vigorous, but at the same time judicious and temperate, enforcement of such measures, this house looks

forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of His Majesty's subjects.

"That this house is anxious for the accomplishment of these purposes at the earliest

legislatures to take immediate measures
for carrying them into effect. The strong
disposition which the two Houses shewed
in the course of their proceedings to inter-
fere in the concerns of the colonies, and
the not unreasonable apprehensions enter-
tained by the planters, that insubordination
might be excited amongst the Negroes by
a knowledge or misrepresentation of the
views of parliament, with respect to the
ultimate extinction of slavery, excited
very violent feelings throughout nearly all
the colonies. In Jamaica, the Assembly
and even to throw off the authority of the
threatened to oppose interference by force,
mother country. In Barbadoes, the re-
sistance to the Assembly, though expressed
in a more moderate tone, was equally
decided; but the violent disposition of the
inhabitants displayed itself in demolishing
the meeting-house of a Methodist mis-
sionary, named Shrewsbury, who was
driven from that island, and his congre-
gation dispersed in defiance of the pro
the Court of Policy refused to take any
clamation of the governor. In Demerara,
but the slaves, actuated by
a vague opinion that the government.
had recommended the adoption of a plan
for their emancipation, rose in large num-
much blood had been shed by the hands
bers, and were not quelled until after
of the military and the executioner. Ano-
(who certainly appears to have entertained
ther Methodist missionary, named Smith
an obscure suspicion that something was in
which he did not communicate), was tried
agitation amongst the slaves a suspicion
before a court martial, and, in defiance
condemned to death.
of every principle of law and justice,

measures;

The sentence' was afterwards commuted by the King but Smith died in prison, under circumstances of great cruelty, before advice of the commutation reached the colony.. Elliott, another missionary, against whom there was not a shadow of suspicion, was imprisoned for paying a visit to Smith, and afterwards abandoned his mission.

On the 18th of March, in the fol

1

lowing year (1824), the subject was through the commandant of the quarter.

and that they would assist the government in securing protection and toleration in all the colonies. During the latter debate a leading abolitionist (Mr. Brougham) announced his intention of bringing in a bill, next session (in case the colonies did not change their conduct), to provide that Negro evidence should be admissible quantum valeret; to prevent the use of the whip in the case of women, and as a stimulus to labour; to attach the slaves to the soil; and to prevent the holders of property in the colonies from filling public offices there.

occasion twenty-four slaves underwent the | mons; when the House declared that a punishment of death. The House of scandalous and daring violation of the Assembly, in a report, attempted to law had been committed on that occasion, qualify these disturbances as insurrections; but after a careful perusal of the trials of all the slaves, we can come to no such conclusion *. In July 1824, Lord Bathurst addressed a second circular to the governor of Jamaica, and the governors of the other colonies, requiring them to recommend the Trinidad order to the different legislatures, and at the same time announced that two bishops would be forthwith sent out. The Jamaica Assembly, still further exasperated, refused all amend ments in their slave-code, and rejected, by a majority of thirty-four to one, a bill for the admission of slave-testimony; and public meetings were every where held in which the most violent and indecent language was indulged in against the parliament. In Barbadoes and Tobago, a shew was made of amending the slave-laws; but the new laws, in effect, contain no material improvements. There is no intelligence from the rest of the West India colonies of any subsequent change having taken place, in any respect +. Two bishops have since been sent out according to Lord Bathurst's promise, one for Jamaica, and the other for the Leeward Islands, who are to have the control of the church .clergy.

In the meantime, in the session of 1824, the case of Smith the missionary was brought before parliament; but without effect. Last session, the case of Lecesne and Escoffery, two free persons of colour, who were sent out of Jamaica by the governor, without trial, as aliens, on the alleged ground of their having maintained an improper correspondence with Haiti, and with conspiring to supply the slaves with arms, was also brought forward; and it was arranged that the commissioners in the West Indies should make inquiries into the busi ness, and that a committee of the House of Commons should be appointed, next session, to make a proper investigation afterwards. The case of the missionary, Shrewsbury, was afterwards brought forward and canvassed in the House of Com* Papers relating to the Manu-mission, &c. of Slaves, 1822-1824. No. 66. Ordered to be printed, 1 March 1825.

See papers laid before parliament in explanation of the measures of government for meliorating the condition of the slaves, 1825;-and

additional ditto, 1825.

We have always believed, that if the enmity and intemperance, which the West Indians and the friends of the Negroes mutually exhibit towards one another, were suspended, it would be found, that the difference of their intentions is much smaller than either party conceives, at present. The design of the abolitionists is to cure the confessedly enormous evils of slavery, by emancipation; but if they be asked whether their object is to be effected immediately or by degrees, none but the most imprudent, and the least trusted among them, will pronounce for immediate enfranchisement. On the other hand, it is by no means a love of the institution of slavery which actuates the West Indians. If it could be shewn, that their estates could be cultivated after its abolition with the same advantage as at present, they would readily abandon it; as it is, in fact, attended with great danger and inconvenience. But since the evil was not created by themselves, for their particular interest, they maintain that they ought to be indemnified for all losses which could be traced to a change; and that they ought to be especially satisfied that their existence would not be endangered. The abolitionists themselves cannot deny the justice of these claims.

One of the main objects, therefore, in any plan for emancipation-after providing for the personal security of the West Indians-must be to prevent their suffering by the transmutation of slave into free-labour. If such transmutation operate slowly, we cannot see that their interests would be entitled to consideration; as they would have time to accommodate themselves to the change: but

66

if it produce immediate bad effects, they that" they can, if they choose, with very may justly call for indemnity, in propor-"little trouble (in the day and a half per tion to the suddenness with which the week), raise much beyond the wants of change shall have been wrought. "the utmost ambition or profligacy." The Although many strong facts have been Assembly of St. Vincent's, in their address, adduced, to prove that cultivation can be dated September 4th, 1823, state that, by carried on most profitably by free labour; it cultivating their provision grounds a day will be found, on a close scrutiny, that they and a half in the week, the slave may not are not applicable in the present state of the "only derive a comfortable, and it may be West Indies. It is indisputable, that—man "said, independent subsistence; but a surfor man-a slave working from fear, will" plus, for which he can, at all times, pronot accomplish so much labour in the same cure a ready sale, and be thereby enabled time, as a free-man working from the ex- "to purchase some of the luxuries of life, 'pectation of gain; and, consequently, al- "which never reach the lips of thousands of though the maintenance, wear and tear," the happiest peasantry in Europe* " In and other cost of a slave, should amount other places, the quantity of labour requirto no more than the aggregate of a free ed, is even less. President Boyer declares, man's wages, the work of the latter will that the soil of St. Domingo is such, that be the cheaper; because there will be half an hour's labour a day, will raise a more of it. That there must be other week's subsistence-" un sol où l'homme, principles in operation, is manifest from" qui travaille une demi-heure par jour, obthe planters uniformly persisting in em-"tient sa subsistance pendant une seploying slaves: nor will it be a sufficient "maine-t." M. Malouet, formerly minister answer to this objection, to state, that the planters are either obliged to do so, or lose the value of the slaves; for, in that case, the price of the latter would have permanently fallen, instead of remaining steady, or, at least, retaining its proportion with the rest of colonial capital. A distinction may be taken between the amount of wages which the labourer is willing to earn, and that which he is compelled to take by the value of labour in the market: the first being, of course, measured by the quantity which the la-jour§;" from which we must understand bourer desires to have; and the latter, by that which his competition with his fellow labourers determines the capitalist to give. If the wages, which he is willing to earn, be earned with less labour than the capitalist wants, it is obvious that the labourer has the latter greatly in his power; it is equally obvious that, in such a case, the principle of competition does not come into operation. Hence it is impossible to decide whether free labour would be dearer or cheaper than that of slaves, without first knowing what quantity of wages the free Negro would be willing to earn.

It appears that the Negro slaves have about one day and a half out of the seven, in which to cultivate their provision grounds; and this allowance affords them time enough to raise, not only sufficient to eat, but to buy superfluities. Sir Ralph Woodford, the governor of Trinidad, in an official letter to the Under Secretary of State, dated August 3d, 1817, states,

of Marine and Colonies in France, who bore a special commission from his government to examine into the character and habits of the Maroons in Dutch Guiana, states, that they found one day in the week abondantly sufficient, in the fertile and genia: soil of the New World, to supply all their wants. In Cayenne, after the enfranchisement of the slaves, by the decree of the French Convention of 16 Pluviose, An II., their wages were fixed by the Colonial government, at "deux sols par

that the day's maintenance of a Negro could be bought for a penny English. The plantain, which requires less labour even than the potatoe, is the principal food in Guiana; and it appears, on the authority of Baron Humboldt, that land yields 133 times more food when cultivated in plaintains than if sowed with wheat; and 44 times more than with potatoes. The least favourable of these authorities shews, that a Negro needs labour, at the utmost, only one day and a half out of seven, to procure ample subsistence for the week. It would be idle to suppose

*The abolitionists have denied this fact; but sistency, against the impediments which prevent at the same time they exclaim, with great inconthe slaves from purchasing their freedom, of winch the means must be derived from the provision grounds.

+ See Propagateur Haïtien, No. I, as cited by Mr. Stephen, in "Slavery Delineated."

Brougham's Colonial Policy, vol. ii. p. 415. § Malenfant, Des Colonies: Paris, 1814.

labour, with one-third of the gross produce: but the inducement was found insufficient; and at last, Victor Hagues, the governor, was obliged to resort to the guillotine and military execution, to suppress their insubordination: but even these additional measures failed, for the planters met the same fate as those in Cayenne.

If we take the longest time indicated by these authorities, and add another day to provide for the clothes and lodging, which the Negroes would be obliged to pay for themselves, in a state of freedom, we shall have the produce of two days and a half's exertion out of seven, as the total amount of wages which the free Negro seems willing to earn. Should the planter, therefore, require him to devote the remainder of the week to labour, for hire, the Negro would fix nearly any price he liked; and accordingly, the former must be either ruined, or his returns must be of the most extravagant description, to support such an outgoing. Few considerations are necessary to shew that the latter is impossible. The present cost of a slave's

that he would devote more time to labour, | capital remained, were accordingly ruined unless he had an immense train of addi- for want of hands§. In Guadaloupe, tional wants to satisfy, which all parties after the decree of 16 Pluviose, the goadmit do not exist at present. The main vernment fixed, that the Negroes of each incentive to exertion, amongst the labour-plantation should be rewarded for their ing class, after providing for one-self, is to support a wife and children; but the most intemperate advocates for the emancipation of the Negroes grant that they have no such motive; since the total absence of marriages amongst them, is the theme of their most violent criminations against the colonists. The climate renders the two other leading objects of labour-lodging and clothinginfinitely less necessary than in European countries. Accordingly we shall find the truth of this conclusion established by evidence in the strongest manner. All the witnesses, from the British islands, whose evidence is given in the celebrated Report of the Committee of Privy Council, in 1788, concur in stating the invincible repugnance of the free Negroes to all sorts of labour. Messrs. Fuller, Long, and Chisholme, state, that the free Negroes in Jamaica were never known to work for hire; and the Committee of Council of the island, besides corroborating the assertion, add, that the free Negroes are averse to work for themselves, except when compelled by immediate necessity. Mr. Brath-food is the value of his labour during one waite, the agent for Barbadoes, affirms that, if the slaves in that island were offered their freedom, on condition of working for themselves, not one-tenth of them would accept it. Governor Parry avers, that the free Negroes are entirely destitute of industry; and the Council of the island add, "that their confirmed habits of idle"ness make them the pests of society*." Under the administration of Toussaint l'Ouverture, laws were passed to compel the enfranchised Negroes, to work on the plantations, by military punishment+; and Dessalines and Christophe found it necessary to resort to measures of coercion, besides providing that the labourers on each plantation should have one-fourth of the gross produce; and yet it does not appear that these regulations produced the desired effect. In Cayenne, it was found impossible to make the enfranchised slaves labour; and the whites, in whose possession the

Report, 1788, part iii.

+ Crisis of the Sugar Colonies.

Code Henri, Loi concernant la Culture. Titres I., et II.

day and a half, out of seven, and it may be calculated that his lodging, clothing, and cost price, amount, on an average, to about a day more; making together the price of free wages, at the rate, beyond which the desires of the free Negro do not seem, at present, to extend. Iı the returns of the West India planter were large enough to support the cost of free labour for the rest of the week, the profits which he now puts into his pocket from slave labour, must be enormous but we need only recall the recollection of our readers to the state of colonial affairs, during the last twenty years, to shew that the very contrary of this has taken place; the returns, in fact, having been hardly enough to support slave labour, with a very moderate profit. There is even still stronger evidence to corroborate this conclusion :-it appears, on the authority of M. Say, "que les manoeuvriers les plus "grossiers, ceux dont la capacité n'est pas "supérieure à celle du Négre esclave,se font payer, aux Antilles, leur journée, sur le

66

§ Malenfant.