advise its extension to freed slaves, who should become burthens to their parishes from indolence, or be convicted of crimes; for in that event, we might be sure, that none but slaves who really merited their freedom for industry and good conduct, would be emancipated. In effect we believe this to be the case; and that it is the children of the freed slaves who are spoken of in such unfavourable terms in the Report of the Committee of Privy Council.

Any future deterioration in the character of the free blacks, we believe, will he prevented, by the measures suggested for the amelioration of the slaves, and that general improvement of their situation with respect to rank and privileges, which is obviously making rapid progress. However, to secure the benefits of freedom to emancipated slaves, and, indeed, to all free blacks and people of colour, an immediate change ought to be made in the law relating to run-away Negroes, which is the most atrocious specimen of legislation that we have upon record. As it stands at present, if a free person assert a right to hold a Negro in slavéry, and charges him with being a run-away, his mere complexion is taken as a sufficient proof, unless he can produce positive evidence of the contrary, which he generally finds it impossible to do, as the iniquitous laws of evidence, preclude him from producing the testimony of blacks and people of colour, who, of course, must, in the far greater majority of instances, be the only

obtainable witnesses for him.

If no

"

Mary Johnson, an aged creole, no brandmark; says, she belonged to William Johnson, a which she has maintained herself." Maroon, who has been dead eight years; since

"Robert, an Eboe, elderly; belonged to Mr. Macbean, who died some time ago; has no owner at present*."

William Hall, a Portuguese African Negroman; says, that he was sold on the coast when a boy, to a Captain Roper, who commanded a ship called the Eliza, with whom he went to England twice, and finally went away from him Captain Smith, as a servant, in lieu of passage money, while there, and came to Jamaica in the ship Duke,

and has ever since been heret."

The following on the other hand are cases, where the testimony of coloured persons, though referred to by the Negro, was not received.

Eleanor Davison, a creole, four feet, eleven inches. She has a little girl with her, and has been delivered of a male child since she has been in this (Manchester) workhouse; says, she is free, and that John Davison, a free brown man, of Kingston, is her father‍§.”

Undoubtedly, there can be no objection to apprehending and advertizing a presumed slave, in order to give his owner an opportunity to come in and claim him; but, if no claim be made, that very fact ought to be taken as the strongest possible testimony of his being free, and he ought to be immediately set at liberty. But the fees must be paid! Why, the very non-claim itself proves, that the apprehension is unjust, and who ought to pay for the consequences of injustice-its victim, or its perpetrators? Instead of being doomed to servitude, he ought to receive a compensation. The only argument of any weight with which the planters support this atrocious law, is, that it might encourage the rest of the slaves to try their fortune as run-aways, if apprehended Negroes were manu-mitted. Unfortunately, however, the chance of detection is so great, that out of 80, or 100 run-aways advertised in a single Jamaica Gazette, it will be found, that not more than 10 or 20 are advertized to be sold, which proves, that six at least out of every seven are found again by the owners, supposing that they are all slaves.

But, after all, we shall be asked, what are our ultimate views—for all the measures we have yet discussed, have been con

*Jamaica Gazette, Sept. 1822.
+ Ibid. May, 1824
Ibid. Sept. 1822.

§ Ibid. August 1884.

ther most to blame the frantic eagerness with which the former have pushed for ward their views of emancipation, or the rage and obstinacy with which the latter have resist d every plan for amelioration. The former will make no allowance for the terrors of the latter, who alone are exposed to danger and loss; whilst the latter will make none for the abolitionists, whose feelings are harrowed up by occurrences, which cannot fail to attract the keenest sympathy of educated Europeans. Hence it is, that on a subject, in which both parties appl to religion, humanity, and justice, language is in habitual use, which would disgrace two hostile clans of barbarians.

INDIA.-I. Burmese War.-II. Deccan Prize Money.-III. Hindoo Widows.

By a recent statute, parliament is constituted almost the exclusive instrument of control over those who administer the affairs of India. It is not our purpose on the present occasion to inquire into the efficiency of the check thus established, though it may fairly be doubted, whether the laborious duty of a regular and searching supervision is likely to be fulfilled by a numerous body, collectively under no responsibility for any neglect of such duty, and individually having no interest in the performance of it. In point of fact, except when the case of an individual has been agitated, the removal of a public functionary,-or some immediately exciting matter of comparatively narrow interest, the mention of Indian affairs in parliament has seldom gone beyond a desultory conversation. The financial accounts of India, though exhibited annually, elicit no kind of observation; and the legislative enactments of the three presidencies have never yet been

alluded to in the House.

The first subject brought forward last session, was a bill for regulating the salaries of the judges in India. As we have discussed the subject of judges' salaries at some length in another article, it will not be necessary to repeat here the observations which may be found in that article, and which are applicable to Indian as well as to English judgest.

The next topic was the removal of British subjects from India; returns of which removals from the year 1784 to the last session were called for by Mr. Hume, and ordered by the house. He particularly adverted to the removal of Mr. Buckingham and Mr. Arnot, but no steps were taken in that business.

Mr. Hume also made a motion on the subject of the mutiny of the Indian troops in November 1824, but as this was mixed up with a call for certain despatches of Lord Hastings in 1819, and with remarks on the Burmese war, and more particularly as the official accounts of the mutiny had not then arrived from India, the motion was rejected,

I. THE most important part of the discussion was that which regarded the causes and conduct of the Burmese war, and as this is likely to attract considerable attention in the next session, we shal present a brief statement of the merits of the question,

The eastern frontier of Bengal is a line of impenetrable forest and hills extending for nearly five degrees of latitude. In all this space there are but three known points of communication with the nations is by the valley of the Brahmapootra, in further east. The first and northernmost latitude 26° north, which is known as the country of Assam. The river is navigable for several hundred miles before it enters Rungpoor, the north easternmost district of the British possessions, and the valley is fruitful, though rather unhealthy.

The second is by the valley of the Soorma, in latitude 25° north, known by the name of the Kachar country, which is contiguous to the district of Sylhet on one side, and is bounded on the other by the mountains of Kossye. This river is likewise navigable beyond the British frontier, though very inferior to the Brahmapootra in size and consequence. There is no third opening until we come to the sea-coast, at the southern extre mity of Chittagong, in latitude 21° north. The British boundary here touches on that of Arracan or Rykhung, from which it is separated by a navigable river called

the Nâf.

The reigning dynasty of the Burman empire commenced with Alompra, who flourished about the middle of the last century; and the Burmese have ever since been a conquering nation. They reduced Arracan in 1783, forcing the bulk of the

population of the Moghada or Mugrace, to take refuge within the Company's possessions. The Nâf was then, and has on several occasions since, been recognized as the mutual boundary. At the mouth of this river there is an alluvial island covered for the most part with jungle, and separated from the promontory of Teknaf, which forms the northern bank, and on which the Company have long had a thana or police-post, by a fordable channel. The main stream, which is navigable for vessels of considerable burthen, and nearly a mile wide, divides the island from Mungdoo, the extreme northern post of the Burmese in Arracan. This island is called Shahpooree, and has never yielded any thing except fire-wood. The Burmese preferred a claim to it as theirs by long established right; but the island was never inhabited, or otherwise occupied. The British officers denied this right, and claimed the island for the Company, resting their claim partly on the position of the island, which by the law of alluvion would make it theirs, and partly on the assertion, that it had always been considered as theirs, and had been included in their maps and territorial surveys. The case was referred to the Supreme Government, when Mr. Adam determined to maintain the British right. He addressed a letter to the Arracan - authorities, stating this resolution, and at the same time ordered the island to be occupied by a party of the local corps, stationed for civil duties at Chittagong. Thus matters stood upon Lord Ainherst's arrival. The Burmese officers, without answering the letter, sent messages to the police officer of Teknâf, requiring him to withdraw the detachment, and threatening to employ force for its removal. No attention being paid to these threats, the Burmese on the 24th of September, 1823, landed on Shahpooree in a night attack, and drove away the party stationed there, with the loss of several lives.

Considering the nature of the quarrel, and the worthlessness of the object in dispute, it might have been wise to have sought to explain away the affront, and to have aimed at procuring some such compromise as would have prevented an open rupture: the more so, as it appears, that the Burmese would have been satisfied at one time with an engagement from us not to occupy the island of Shahpooree, and that they would probably

have engaged not to occupy it themselves. But it seems pretty clear, that whatever might have been done on this part of the frontier, matters must still have been brought to a rupture with the Burmese at other points, and therefore that concession might only have operated as an encouragement to the assailants. We allude to the Kachar dispute, which was briefly as follows: Muneepoor is the capital of that part of Kossye which borders on Kachar, and, through it, lies the direct route from Umerapoora to Assam. In 1773 it was conquered by the Burmese, but their tenure was always precarious, the inhabitants flying to the hills and fortresses, and at different intervals recovering their capital. About 15 years ago, that is in the time of Lord Minto, the Muneepooreans being pushed to the south east, indemnified themselves at the expense of their western neighbours of Kachar, who being a race of pusillanimous Bengalees, under a Raja without energy, resources, or influence, were easily reduced to subjection. The Raja (Govind Chundur) took refuge within the Company's possessions, where after much indecision as to whether or not he should be supported in an attempt to recover his territory, he was finally allowed an asylum, on the condition of not disturbing the peace of the frontier. Until 1820, Kachar was with Muneepoor, under the joint authority of the hereditary enemies of the Burmese, and in that year the power was in the hands of two brothers, Chorjeet and Marjeet, with their cousin Gumbheer Singh. In that year, however, the Burmese sent a larger force than usual, under a general called Mengee Maha Silooa, and he, after reducing Muneepoor, prosecuted his conquests into the eastern parts of Assam. The three Muneepoor chiefs, yielding to circumstances, retired: Gumbheer Singh to the mountains; and the two brothers into Kachar: but availing themselves of the absence of the Burmese in Assam, they united shortly after, and recovered Muneepoor. They did not, however, hold it long, for a yet larger army, under the victorious Mengee Maha Bandoola, retook Muneepoor, and then advancing into Assam, completed the conquest of that valley, and defeated its Raja, Chundur Kunt, in a battle fought almost in sight of the British post at Jugeegopa, on the Brahmapootra.