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THE THREE BOBS!

[From the fame.]

THREE Bobbies rang their Major Bob
In Billy Pitt's new peal;
Sir Bobby Buxton, Bobby Ward,
And eke Sir Bobby Peele.

Had each Sir Bobby ftaid at home,
Nor grac'd a former lobby,
Ten thousand pounds to one penny
He had not been Sir Bobby.

To make a third for honours fit,

Could both Sir Bobs accord;

Bob Peele's hard cash, Bob Buxton's wit,
Would knight Sir Bobby Ward.

A TOKEN,

PRESENTED TO MR. PITT, ON THE LATE ISSUE OF HIS BANK DOLLARS.

[From the fame]

"Thefe dollars are only mere tokens-they are filver notes-their intrinfic value is nothing to the purpose."

MI. PITT'S SPEECH, 2d July 1804.

"Whence comes this?

This is fome token from a newer friend."

On your new filver notes how to fix

A character doubtful and double,

Even you, Sir, an adept in tricks,

SHAKSPEARE.

Such a fcheme might embarrass and trouble;
Though a pattern, the fittest on earth,
In yourfelf feem'd already befpoken,
An ambiguous femblance of worth,
But in fact a mere fraudulent token.
Pompous phrafes may jingle and chime
For a while in the ears of a nation;
But magnificent words must in time
Have, like dollars, their depreciation.
Q5

When

When profeffions no more current pass,
When the charm of fine fpeeches is broken,
Then your Gold will be found to be Brass,
Nay-defpis'd by Dog D-nt as a Token.

THE COLONEL AND THE DOCTOR.
[From the fame.]

MR. EDITOR.

TH

HE aftonifhment occafioned by Mr. Pitt's return to power having now in a great measure abated, I hope you will be candid enough to admit into your paper a few difpaffionate remarks on that fubject, although they come from a perfon who profeffes a different line of politics from yourfelf. Indeed my sentiments, with regard to adminiftrations and the conduct of public affairs, differ a good deal from thofe which we commonly hear expreffed by any party; but they are not for that reafon lefs juft in themfelves, nor I truft lefs acceptable to thofe unseen perfons who move the machine of ftate, poffibly a good deal more than the vifible heads of Admini ftration.

Although the vindication of Mr. Pitt be my principal object, yet I cannot forbear faying a few words on that venerable affemblage of influence and power which I have not alluded to, and which (under the name of the interior cabinet) has, on many occafions, met with much unmerited abufe. Instead of being publicly defended, and held up to refpect and admiration, we find that even their existence is difputed. But those who attended minutely to the late convulfions in the Minifterial world, I think can scarcely have overlooked the furprising movements of this inner wheel.

At the time of the great and univerfal outcry against the Doctor's Adminiftration, I confefs I was very much alarmed about the confequences. That he was

unpopular

unpopular with the country, was nothing; neither was it much, that all the talent and refpectability of both Houses combined against him. His majorities might continue notwithstanding. But it was very terrible to behold the Bishops, the Bifcuit-bakers, and the Bedchamber, beginning to hefitate. It appeared to me, that the two branches of John Reeves's tree were grown too heavy for the trunk; and that the interior rulers could no longer fupport the man of the King's own choice. But mark the wifdom of those who guided the ftorm! The Doctor fell; the royal favour, which was partly diffipated upon him, was again concentrated in its ancient and proper focus; and the repentant Pitt, now standing at a fafe distance from his master's favour, and from general popularity, once more becomes the vifible head of the conclave.

The management here was unquestionably fine. It forms a grand precedent for future occafions; and, in my opinion, fully and explicitly determines where the control over the prerogative of choofing Minifters ought to refide. The importance of this remark I leave with you, Sir; for I think I have feen arguments

in your paper, more than once of late, tending to thew the neceffity of a control of that nature exifting fomewhere. But, great as Mr. Pitt's merit appears here to have been, no part of his condu& has ever given fo much offence, or loft him fo many friends. I feel it my duty, therefore, to ftate and examine the feveral grounds upon which he and his new Adminiftration have been attacked; and for this purpose I again befpeak your candour.

The great point of attack is, that Mr. Pitt acted with duplicity in the late arrangements, because, after uniting with the principal Members of the Senate, to turn out the Doctor, on pretence that the times required an Adminiftration compofed of all the talents of the country, as foon as his purpofe was effected, he formed

a 6

formed an Administration without any talent at all. Well, let the fact be admitted: his purpose was a laudable one, namely, to get into place, which he could not have done, unless he had amused the Country and the Senate as he did. Gentlemen may call it duplicity, or whatever they please; but if an ingenious device and ftratagem for one's own advancement is to be called by fuch harsh names, there is an end to all courtesy upon earth. Sir, I do not deny that he duped the nation in this inftance, and cheated his friends too, if you must needs have things expreffed in broad language. But, Sir, was this any thing new from Mr. Pitt? Perhaps, indeed, you expect from a Prime Minifter the fame veracity and honour which you look for in a private gentleman! Believe me, Sir, the fraud is pious which is practifed for a nation; and the man muft needs be virtuous who facrifices his character and reputation for the good of his country.

But let us take it in another view, and inquire how the best judges and followers of morality have taken the matter up. Have they fhunned Mr. Pitt for this part of his conduct? Has a fingle mitred head fhaken with difapprobation? or has the religion of Mr. Wilberforce and the Thorntons taken the leaft offence? For my own part, Sir, I hate a clumfy trick as much as any man, but a dexterous deception gives me great contentment; and I want no better proof of Mr. Pitt's fitnefs for his office, than that he could, in a matter fo important, deceive his ableft and nearest friends, and those who had every means of knowing him beft.

Now let us proceed to the next point in this great article of accufation; I mean the formation of a weak Ministry, when it was agreed on all hands that a strong one was neceffary. I enter on this particular with great cheerfulness and alacrity, because it has been dwelt upon by the enemies of Colonel Pitt (I think the

military

military title most appropriate to the times) with particular triumph, while it appears to me the highest proof of his judgment and skill.

Pray, Sir, let us confider a moment what is meant by a ftrong Adminiftration. In my mind, there cannot be a greater error than to fuppofe, that a vigorous Adminiftration must have all its Members vigorous. Obedience is ten times more important. Give me a Prime Minister who knows how to use his authority, and I fhall require nothing from his colleagues (as they are improperly called) but obedience and fubmiffion. The people have been grofsly abused when they have been encouraged to cry out for Fox, and Grey, and Grenville, and Windham, and other men of abilities, to be taken into the Cabinet. They could not fee that, inftead of adding power to the Colonel, fuch coadjutors would only curtail it. They would deliberate away his projects, and (to borrow an excellent phrafe from Mr. Canning) "throw a wet blanket' on his infpirations. Sir, I do not wish to ufe hard words; but I cannot help remarking, that this fcheme of making an able Administration may be traced to the fame daring faction, who, not long ago, proposed to ftrengthen the national defence, by ap pointing a Council of General Officers to affift the Commander in Chief-as if, forfooth, his Royal Highnefs wanted advice from thofe whom he is appointed to command.

Sir, this is not a time to fritter down and divide authority. In thofe days when we had only a flumbering Bourbon to oppofe, we might indeed employ a deliberating Cabinet, and men of civil talents to fill the offices of State; we could go on well enough notwithstanding our habeas corpus, and our other conftitutional clogs, and (with whiggifh jealoufy of ftanding armies) cling to our old militia. But, now that we have an Emperor to oppofe, we muft ourselves be

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