I am of opinion, that the explanation of their sense of the word annexation will puzzle the gentlemen so much who hoped to be screened under it, that your Lordship will find this affair going on under a parliamentary inquiry, and the only one in which it can end properly for the advantage of the public. I am very anxious for your Lordship's return; which I am confident you are not less concerned about yourself. Believe me to be, with the truest esteem and respect, my dear Lord, Your most faithful humble servant,

GRAFTON.

THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO THE EARL OF

MY LORD,

CHATHAM.

Hill Street, Monday morning. [February 16, 1767.]

THE King's commands, and the importance of whatever determination is taken in regard to America, must excuse me to your Lordship for breaking in upon you, when I know your intention is to be in town, if well enough; if not, that the same reason which detains you may make business altogether inconvenient. In the last case, I hope you will make no scruple to lay aside my letter. It is the general opinion, that the present packet should not go to America without some determination of government, after the imprudent

conduct of New York ('), as well on account of appearance here as effect there. I have therefore stopped its sailing, in order to submit my own thoughts to your Lordship before I execute the rest of the King's commands, by laying it before the rest of his servants. I wish I could at the same time acquaint you with the opinions of the other ministers; but though every body is strongly for enforcing, nobody chooses to suggest the mode. I presumed to ask the King whether any occurred to his Majesty, but I could not find that any had, except that it should be enforced. Enclosed I send your Lordship all that I have received from Lord

(1) "During the last session of parliament an alteration was made in the American mutiny act, enjoining the colonists to supply the soldiers with salt, vinegar, and beer or cider. The first attempt to obtain this moderate indulgence was made in New York: the governor applied to the assembly to provide quarters for the troops who were expected, and specified the additional articles required. The assembly were so reluctant in taking this message into consideration, that an address in answer was not voted till the soldiers arrived, and were put to some inconvenience for want of quarters; and the address was not satisfactory to the governor, because no notice was taken of the demand. to supply the military with the necessaries required by the act of parliament. Another message was therefore sent to the assembly, and after several messages and replies, they finally resolved not to comply with the amended mutiny They affected to consider the principle as not differing from the stamp law, by its tendency to impose a new burden, and, at length, passed an act which, on their own authority, new-modelled or repealed a regulation made by the parliament of Great Britain. In some other provinces the act was no better received; and probably the zeal of the military in support of government occasioned this display of resentment in the assemblies."— Adolphus, vol. i. p. 260.

act.

Barrington; which contains a general account of the act. It was first suggested by the military, and intended to give a power of billeting on private houses, as was done in the war. It was altered by the merchants and agents, who substituted empty houses, provincial barracks, and barns in their room, undertaking that the assembly should supply them with the additional necessaries and it passed, I believe, without that superintendence or attentive examination on the part of government, which is so wanting in all cases where necessity requires something different from the general principles of the constitution. I am told it was carried through by Mr. Ellis, without the entire conviction or cordial support of Mr. Grenville, who made it a separate bill, lest it might embarrass the general mutiny act.

The infatuated conduct of the assembly, in refusing even present obedience to the act, precludes, I am afraid, all consideration of the merits or principles of it, by involving a far greater question. I have, however, examined, with all the attention possible, the mutiny act here, and find it amazingly tender both in regard to Scotland and Ireland. That part of it only which regards the discipline extends to Ireland. It is very extraordinary that, by the best information I have been able to procure, the troops are quartered there under no direct law whatever, here or there; but, either on account of old prerogative or custom, or the necessity of the thing being understood, it is generally submitted to.

As things stand in America, there are so many considerations cross upon each other, that all the difficulties of the situation are scarce within compass to be stated. One great difficulty, however is, that whatever the conduct of New York, or even of America may be, arising from the dif fidence and excess of apprehension which your Lordship mentions, it were to be wished not to establish a precedent in whatever is done, which may hereafter be turned to purposes of oppression, and to promote measures opposite to those general public principles upon which the stamp act was repealed. Another is, that if these infatuated people should be tempted to resist in the last instance, which there is the greatest reason to apprehend will be the case from the governor's letter and their address; though I profess, and very sincerely feel the want of that experience and sagacity, which is necessary to form any judgment of the intentions of foreign powers, where so much circumspection is to be expected, I think it too plain, from the accounts we daily receive, that France and Spain would no longer defer breaking a peace, the days of which they already begin to count.

These considerations make it almost impossible to propose anything which can directly meet the object on the other hand, the public conviction goes so strongly to believing the dependence of the colonies at stake; and the opinion is so confirmed by their conduct since the repeal, which it must be expected will be both coloured and heightened by

the arts of their enemies, that, be the danger what it will, government appears called upon for some measure of vigour, to support the authority of parliament and the coercive power of this country.

Captain Campbell declines the government of Pensecola; but Captain Byron ('), whom I have just seen, seems, I think, disposed to accept it, but desires till to-morrow to give his answer. I wrote immediately to the board of trade, that the memorial from New York being addressed to the House of Commons, the House should be acquainted of it, and the governor's letter. There has been a good deal of difficulty as to form, but today Lord Clare is to lay it before the House. The extraordinaries of the army are likewise to be proposed. (2) As I send your Lordship a letter from

(1) The honourable John Byron, grandfather of the great poet. He declined the proffered appointment, but in 1769 accepted the governorship of Newfoundland.

(2) In a letter to Mr. Flood, written on the 19th, Lord Charlemont says, "All matters here go on as usual. Lord Chatham is daily expected, and till he arrives, nothing worth informing you of is likely to happen. There has been, upon various topics, a great deal of conversation in the House of Commons, but no division. One thing, however, appears very extraordinary, if not indecent: no member of the opposition speaks without directly abusing Lord Chatham, and no friend ever rises to take his part. Qui non defendit alio culpante is scarcely a degree less black than Absentem qui rodit amicum. Never was known such disunion, such a want of concert, as visibly appears on both sides: how it will end heaven only knows! Charles Townshend appears rather out of humour; but his discontents are of no great moment. The House sat till eight o'clock: an excellent debate. American extraordinaries were the subject, and the question was put upon a motion of George