regard to reports about my Lord Chancellor, he has heard nothing more since he last had the

I consider him merely and indifferently as an English subject, possessed of certain rights which the laws have given him, and which the laws alone can take from him. I am neither moved by his private vices, nor by his public merits. In his person, though he were the worst of men, I contend for the safety and security of the best; and, God forbid, my lords, that there should be a power in this country of measuring the civil rights of the subject by his moral character, or by any other rule but the fixed laws of the land!* I believe, my lords, I shall not be suspected of any personal partiality to this unhappy man: I am not very conversant in pamphlets or newspapers; but, from what I have heard and from the little I have read, I may venture to affirm, that I have had my share in the compliments which have come from that quarter; and as for motives of ambition (for I must take to myself a part of the noble duke's insinuation), I believe, my lords, there have been times in which I have had the honour of standing in such favour in the closet, that there must have been something extravagantly unreasonable in my wishes if they might not all have been gratified; after neglecting those opportunities, I am now suspected of coming forward in the decline of life, in the anxious pursuit of wealth and power, which it is impossible for me to enjoy. Be it so; there is one ambition at least which I ever will acknowledge, which I will not renounce but with my life. It is the ambition of delivering to my posterity those rights of freedom which I have received from my ancestors.† I am not now pleading the cause of an individual, but of every freeholder in England. In what manner this house may constitutionally interpose in their defence, and what kind of redress this case will require and admit of, is not at present the subject of our consideration. The amendment, if agreed to, will naturally lead us to such an inquiry. That inquiry may, perhaps, point out the necessity of an act of the legislature, or it may lead us, perhaps

* "For my own part, I am proud to affirm, that if I had been weak enough to form such a friendship I would never have been base enough to betray it. But let Mr. Wilkes's character be what it may, this is at least certain, that circumstanced as he is with regard to the public, even his vices plead for him. The laws of England shall not be violated, even by your holy zeal to oppress a sinner." Junius, i. 460, 461.

"We owe it to our ancestors to preserve entire those rights which they have delivered to our care; we owe it to our posterity not to suffer their dearest inheritance to be destroyed." i. 563.

"This is not the cause of faction or of party, or of any individual, but the common interest of every man in Britain." i. ¡343. Sir Philip Francis has placed this sentence at the head of his Essay on the Regency.

pleasure of seeing Mr. Calcraft. He begs to trouble him with his warmest, most affectionate, and re

to desire a conference with the other house; which one noble lord affirms is the only parliamentary way of proceeding; and which another noble lord assures us the House of Commons would either not come to, or would break off with indignation. Leaving their lordships to reconcile that matter between themselves, I shall only say, that before we have inquired, we cannot be provided with materials, consequently we are not at present prepared for a conference.

"It is possible, my lords, that the inquiry I speak of may lead us to advise his Majesty to dissolve the present parliament; nor have I any doubt of our right to give that advice, if we should think it necessary. His Majesty will then determine, whether he will yield to the united petitions of the people of England, or maintain the House of Commons in the exercise of a legislative power, which heretofore abolished the House of Lords, and overturned the monarchy.* I willingly acquit the present House of Commons of having actually formed so detestable a design; but they cannot themselves foresee to what excesses they may be carried hereafter; and for my own part, I should be sorry to trust to their future moderation. Unlimited power is apt to corrupt the minds of those who possess it; and this I know, my Lords, that where law ends, tyranny begins!" +

The amendment was negatived. After which the House divided on the original motion, contents 203, not contents 36. The not contents were, the Dukes of Richmond, Portland, Manchester, and Northumberland; the Marquis of Rockingham; the Earls of Suffolk, Stamford, Abingdon, Scarborough, Albemarle, Tankerville, Aylesford, Effingham, Buckinghamshire, Fitzwilliam, Temple, Radnor, Chatham; Viscount Torrington; and Lords Abergavenny, Byron, Craven, Hyde, Ponsonby, Lyttelton, Wycombe (Shelburne), Grosvenor, Milton, Camden, Boyle, Trevor, King, Monson, Chedworth, Fortescue, and Sondes. Lord Rockingham then moved, That the Lords should be summoned for the morrow, as he had a proposal of national importance to make; upon which Lord Pomfret moved an adjournment of a week; Lord Temple said

"They have strictly followed the example of the long parliament which first declared the regal office useless, and soon after with as little ceremony dissolved the House of Lords." Junius, ii. 83.

"Who will answer for their future moderation. Your Majesty may learn hereafter how nearly the slave and tyrant are allied.” ii. 84.

spectful compliments to the Marquis of Granby, and just mentions, for Mr. Calcraft's judgment, whether the proposing a refreshing interview between the Marquis and my Lord Chancellor might not be a good measure.

Abundance of acknowledgments for the good wishes expressed on account of health, which is at least as well as the other day, and promises very fair for being in London on Tuesday; which Lord Chatham would be sure to be if the change was even on the worse side instead of being on the better, as it now is. Lord Temple presents his best compliments; to which the holder of the present hasty pen desires to add her own.

THE EARL OF CHATHAM TO JOHN CALCRAFT, ESQ.

[In Lady Chatham's handwriting.]

Hayes, Monday morning, 8 o'clock.

[January 8, 1770.]

LORD CHATHAM cannot omit sending a line to Mr. Calcraft, to let him know that he finds, with

the House well knew for what purpose the adjournment was required; it was to settle the disordered state of the administration, and particularly to dismiss the virtuous and independent lord who sat on the woolsack, and supply his place with some obsequious lawyer, who would do as he was commanded. Lord Shelburne observed that, after the dismission of the present worthy chancellor, the seals would go a-begging; but he hoped there would not be found in the kingdom a wretch so base and mean-spirited as to accept of them on the conditions on which they must be offered.

much concern, no measures taken for action in the House of Commons on the Speech, but rather on the contrary; for Mr. Grenville's opinion, as Lord Temple informs him, very unfortunately happens to be not to meddle with the Address. Lord Chatham has expressed very strongly to Lord Temple his apprehensions that this plan, if followed, will have every possible ill consequence. Lord Temple seems now convinced of this, and is going to London this morning; where he means to use endeavours, that some proper words of addition to the Address should be moved in the House of Commons, to engage debate. What his success will be is uncertain. In the House of Lords some words will certainly be moved, though no concert is yet taken for that purpose.

Notwithstanding all report, the opinion at Hayes is, that Lord Chancellor will not be removed; and he certainly will not have the unpardonable weakness to resign in such a crisis. His Lordship is firm, and in the rightest resolutions. Lord Chatham entertains not the least doubt that Mr. Calcraft will find Lord Granby in the same dispositions. The expectation of the public was never more fixed upon two great men than upon the Marquis and Lord Camden. Lord Chatham trusts he shall see Westminster once more to-morrow.

JOHN CALCRAFT, ESQ. TO THE EARL OF CHATHAM.

Sackville Street, Monday, January 8, 1770.

MR. CALCRAFT cannot omit returning his warmest thanks for the honour of Lord Chatham's letter. He has seen Lord Granby, who goes to the Chancellor's (by an appointment of Lord Granby's asking) this morning. His Lordship seems very properly disposed, and I hope Lord Chancellor will fix him to take his part to-day, if an opportunity arises in the course of the debate. Except the common invitation to hear the Speech read at Lord North's, he has had no correspondence with ministers.

Mr. Grenville sent word to the Thatched-house, that he would try to muster spirits to come down to parliament to-day, and words of amendment are to be moved.(') The Thatched-house meeting was very well: eighty members present, twenty whereof fresh ones. The Cock-pit meeting was a very moderate one; one hundred and seventy-nine only. Mr. Calcraft ardently hopes Lord Chatham will not be the worse for the fatigue of this day.

(1) The Address was strongly opposed in the House of Commons; and an amendment, "That the House would take into consideration the causes of the unhappy discontents which prevailed in every part of his Majesty's dominions," was moved by Mr. Dowdeswell, but rejected by 254 against 138. Lord Granby supported the amendment; and stated, that he should always lament the vote he had given on a former occasion, as the greatest misfortune of his life.