Life Assurance.

of life assurance is the facility it affords to persons of restricted means for bequeathing legacies which, without its aid, no effort of theirs would enable them to do At the period of its original introduction, and when life assurance was confined to few objects, persons of narrow means might plead the impossibility of providing for widows and children from the fact that there was no existing facility which would enable them to secure a future valuable property by present economy and comparatively small savings. But since the numerous facilities and variety of purposes to which life assurance may be applied have been so thoroughly and so often explained to those classes whom such details should specially interest, there is no excuse for a man with any regular income at all leaving a wife or children utterly unprovided for. Were any proofs required of the culpable negligence of hundreds of parents to make future provision for those dependent upon them, we might find one in the indifference withwhich the majority of those individuals who more particularly require its aid all but ignore the existence of a system, which, if properly estimated by them, would save their wives and daughters from sorrow and shame. When life agents,' as they are called, are canvassing for 'proposals' for a particular office among those classes to whom we now appeal, he is too often met with the excuse that the payments of the premiums cannot be spared from the income, which, perchance, is only 300l. or 400/.; but how does a mechanic, with no more, perhaps, than 30s. a week, continue to pay to a sick-club or benefit-society, in order to secure assistance when ill, or the means of decently burying his children? Simply because he is manly enough to appear what he is, and is not possessed with the idea of raising himself (in appearance only) to the position of one with twice his wages. Limited as the practice of life assurance is even now, and notwithstanding that its principles have, for these last twenty or thirty years, been most widely disseminated, yet among the classes where its operations can be traced, it has been found to be productive of the most beneficial effects. The peasant and the artisan in very numerous instances have been led to the practice of industrial and temperate

Guildford, Surrey.

2. The new Reform Bill.
A Dialogue.

Hughes. Well, we are to get in our hand now, it seems. The good time is coming to working men at last.

Wilson. Is it? I am glad to hear it. But how?

H. Why, there is to be a new Reform Bill, and we are to have a wide extension of the suffrage. It is said that they are going to frame it so that working men are all to have votes. Isn't it jolly? If you had been with me last night you would have heard all about it. It was famously discussed at the Robin Hood; but you never go there. But how is the good

W. No, never. time coming?

H. Why, by our getting votes-what they call the franchise.'

W. What good will that do?

H. Oh, surely you don't mean to deny or dispute that it will be a benefit. Surely you are not sorry to get a vote for a Member of Parliament, and that all of us should get one. Don't you see what a power of good it will do?

W. If you see it so clearly, I wish you would tell me. I am not sorry that we are getting votes, if we are to get them. Far from it. I am very glad, though I cannot help feeling a little anxious as to the use that may be made of the privilege. But I want you to tell me where the benefit really lies, and what is the precise advantage to be derived by our class from the new franchise.

-H. If you had only been with me at the Robin Hood, you would have heard it explained to purpose. Jem Alcock read the newspaper, and then we fell to discussing the subject. Bill Orton, and Joe Hicks, and Kennedy the Scotchman, and three or four more, and myself, all set to it, and I think we made it plain enough that times would not be as they had been.

W. What did you say? and how did you make it out?

H. Well, as for telling you what we said, he would be a clever fellow who could do that, we said so much. And, besides, we got rather noisy at last; and Orton and Kennedy made such long speeches, the others talking all the while across them, and we cheered and laughed so loud, and kept it up so late, that I feel rather confused this morning. But I remember that we settled it to our entire satisfaction, that when we get the franchise we shall, of course, vote against taxes, and abuses, and all that sort of thing, and make the great men in parliament do justice to the labouring classes, and make laws for their benefit.

W. That is rather vague, but it sounds very well upon the whole, and I hope that you will keep it in mind at the hustings and the polling-booth. You will recollect, however, that what you will have to vote for is not justice and wisdom, and all that in the abstract, but a particular man who offers himself as a candidate; and what you will have to vote against is another man, and not directly against abuses, taxes, aristocracy, and such like. I hope that you and I and all the rest of our class will vote conscientiously and intelligently; and if we do there can be no doubt that evils will be gradually corrected where they still exist, even after all that has been done of late years for the removal of the burdens which pressed upon industry, and bore hard upon the families of labouring men. I think I can see some important benefits which will flow, not only to our own order, but to the community at large from the extension of the suffrage, if we only make a right use of it. But really, neighbour, for you and me to expect that, as individuals, it will materially and at once improve our conditionthat it will furnish a cure for all our ills and a supply for all our wants-is a mere delusion; is, in fact, downright nonsense and folly.

II. Well, I don't know; it seemed clear enough last night. I wish you had heard Bill Orton and Kennedy upon it.

W. Ay, ay, I dare say they sawparticularly when they got a little 'confused,' as you call it a great many benefits to workmen in this Reform Bill which I cannot discern. I don't undervalue the suffrage; on the contrary, I think it will do good: but as for lifting us out of all our difficulties,

procuring us easy work and high wages, and materially smoothing our path through life, depend upon it this Bill will do nothing of the sort. I can do far more for you myself than it will ever do, or, rather, I can tell you how you may do far more for yourself.

H. Bravo! Let us hear. I wish we'd had you at the Robin Hood last night with your grand plan. Will you come to-night and expound it?

W. Now, my good friend, this is the very thing which my scheme would knock on the head, this wasting of time and money at the Robin Hood. If you would only keep out of the publichouse, and devote to better purpose the time and money squandered there, you would do far more for yourself in one year than the new Reform Bill will do for you in ten; far more to improve your circumstances, far more to raise yourself in the social scale, far more to promote your credit and respectability, far more for your best interests both here and hereafter. I am quite serious. The franchise you speak of will not directly put a shilling in your pocket, and, indirectly, it will at best put only a few; while the course which I recommend will directly save you two or three pounds a year, and gain for you perhaps as much more; and indirectly, in its effect upon your health and character and credit, and upon the position and prospects of your family, it will benefit you to ten times that amount. And consider that here you have, under God, your future welfare in a great measure in your own hands. You may never get the franchise you talk about; and even if you should, it will work very slowly in your favour: here you can yourself operate at once and most effectually. What think you, Hughes?

H. Well, I suppose there is something in what you say. But I don't see much that is new in your scheme. It seems to me that I have heard it all before.

W. Very likely, though I don't think that you ever heard it at the Robin Hood. But new or old, is there sense and reason in it?

H. Perhaps there may be. But one must have amusement of some kind, and as well take it at the Robin Hood as anywhere else. And then we expect to get it cheaper, for Bill Orton says that we'll vote the duty off hops and licences, and so cheapen the beer; and Kennedy swears that the very first use

W. I am not so sure of that. But even if it were so, what do you think of the loss of time, the fostering of a love of drink and dissipation in yourself' and others, the injury done to your family, to your health, and to your reputation, not to speak of the eternity to which we are all approaching? Is there nothing here to make you pause and ponder? Then as to recreation, I am very far from frowning upon it. We must have amusement, as you say; but there is no reason why it should be of a kind to leave a sting behind it. I can enjoy myself right well at home with my family, with a good book or other occupation which I have a taste for, or I can have the company of a neighbour, or amuse myself out of doors, and be a far better man in health and strength and spirits than if I were soaking night after night in the Robin Hood. And, by the way, if we get this new franchise, I tell you frankly that I hope to see another use made of it than your friends Orton and Kennedy anticipate. What would you say if, by means of this same franchise, we were to make a rapid reduction-perhaps a clean sweep-of those pests and snares, the public-houses?

H. Do you really believe that you will ever see such a thing as this?

W. I shouldn't wonder. We shall see. Meanwhile don't let you and me deceive ourselves about the great things which this Reform Bill is to accomplish. I think that we-the working classesmay get something out of it in a few years, if we understand our own interests, and are earnest and united in seeking to advance them. I really do think, as I have said, that the parliament might still do something for us to promote our comfort, improve our circumstances, and further our elevation and intelligence. But I know full well that it will not, and cannot, do a hundredth part of what we may do for ourselves. Let us only be industrious and frugal, sober, steady, and trustworthy-let us embrace every means of self-improvement, and avail ourselves of every lawful opportunity of getting forward in the world-and, if God grant us life and health, we shall do a thousand times more for ourselves and our families than all the Reform Bills in the

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world will ever do for us or for them. Such is my view of the case, and I try to act accordingly.

H. Well, somehow you do get better on than most of us, though you had no better chance at first.

W. Not quite so good a chance, I think. But if I have got on well, take my word for it, it has not been by trusting to Reform Bills, or spending my nights at the Robin Hood. Good day, friend Hughes. Wamphray, N. B.

3. The Great Social Evil.
To the Editors of Meliora.

GENTLEMEN,

Of the privilege of making suggestions on the great social topics of the day, which you have accorded to the supporters of 'Meliora,' I, as a humble, though, I trust, zealous member of that body, gladly avail myself.

That intemperance is the perennial fountain' from which impurity flows, must be evident to the most superficial inquirer. I can speak with some confidence on this point. It has been my lot to study in both an Irish and an English university, and during my residence in both, having gained the confidence of many of my fellowstudents, who had departed from the paths of chastity, I found that in their calm, reflective moments, they all, with one or two exceptions, confessed that their first transgression of the laws of purity occurred when they were under the influence of intoxicating liquors.

That the drink' is the life-blood of prostitution also, close observation, whilst curate of the populous parish of St. Oswald's, Collyhurst, Manchester, compels me to acknowledge. Anxious to see the worst form of the terrible scourge in that city, I sallied forth on a Saturday evening, accompanied by two detective policemen and a wellknown philanthropist. Disguised as a detective, I was enabled, without let or hindrance, to witness the abominations of the low theatre, the casino, the brothel, and the public-house. Horrified at the fearful, unmentionable scenes which met my gaze, I exclaimed, How are we ever to bring the Gospel to bear upon these poor creatures?' Never shall I forget the reply of the intelligent serjeant by whom I was escorted:- Nothing, sir,

can

can be done without the Maine Law.' Now, this man was not in any way connected with the temperance reformation, in either of its aspects; and his testimony was, therefore, the more impartial. Would to God, that that testimony, borne by one so conversant with vice in all its ramifications, were duly pondered by every Christian throughout the kingdom!

But there is another point to which those who possess influence over the female mind should direct it, viz.: the duty of banishing from their society the man who is known to have been guilty of seduction, or to indulge in fornication. The power of the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of our land is tremendous. Let them, then, repel with righteous indignation from their acquaintance, and from their homes, the villain who has robbed their sister of her honour, and, perchance, then flung her off to float as offal on the surface of society. Such is not their mode of procedure at present.

The broken-hearted victim is shunned as an unclean thing,' while the exultant victimise: is patronised and caressed. Nay: is it not notorious that many a fair and gentle woman bestows her heart and her hand as readily upon the well-known seducer or fornicator as upon the chaste and godly man?

Women of the United Kingdom! these things ought not so to be. Rise in the majesty of your purity, and frown down this dreadful vice, which, to a greater extent than is supposed, is undermining the foundations of the body social.

Ministers of Christ's gospel! let us not be ashamed to speak plainly on this subject. The truths which we utter may be bitter and unpalatable, but they are decidedly wholesome. I am, gentlemen,

Faithfully yours,

JOHN KINGSTON, Curate of Durrus, Diocese of Cork.

Social Science has not made pro

Igress during the last few months,

it certainly has not been the fault of those devoted to its pursuit.

The meeting of the British Association at Leeds afforded an opportunity to Professor Owen, the president for the year, to deliver one of the most eloquent and thoughtful of the numerous public addresses which the parliamentary vacation always offers. The recent

changes in the departmental arrangements of the Association affording, in the statistical and economical section, scope for inquiry into questions formerly excluded, will, no doubt, render the British Association for the Promotion of Science even more popular than it has been; still, devoted as it must be mainly to the discussion and development of pure science, the interest attached to its meetings by social politicians will always be far less than that excited by the gathering of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science. The second annual meeting of this latter body has been unquestionably the great event of the vacation.

The selection of Liverpool as the place of meeting for the present year

was happy. Easy of access, and in itself, as the outlet and inlet of the streams of commerce which fertilize the northern counties, possessing very great interest, the facilities presented exist in few provincial towns. The noble structure St. George's Hall enabled the committee to hold all the meetings of the Association under one roof-the large gatherings in the great hall, and the several departments in the courts and the various anterooms which surround them.

Possibly the arrangements of the Liverpool meeting indicated a danger lest these splendid gatherings should degenerate into complimentary speechmakings, and the pleasant gossip of the soirée supersede the serious and important work of the sections. Possibly the discussions, hurried as they necessarily were, from the immense pressure of business, may be considered unsatisfactory; and the constant repetition of similar suggestions and thoughts from many individuals, each equally entitled to respect, be thought wearisome and unnecessary. But with all the fault which the most captions can discover, it is impossible to refuse to acknowledge

acknowledge that the Liverpool meeting was a great success, or to recognise the progress of one of the noblest efforts of modern civilisation.

With

The inaugural meeting, at which Lord John Russell delivered the opening address, was not only a brilliant but an affecting scene. The great hall, probably the most gorgeous in the world, with its massive gates, its granite columns, and its tesselated floor, was crowded to its utmost capacity with an enthusiastic audience. The gay toilets of the fair auditors gave brightness to the appearance of so vast a body of people; and the interest excited by the presence of statesmen of world-wide celebrity kept all in a state of lively excitement. But there, it must be confessed, enjoyment ended. The eye was gratified, but the ear was disappointed. Hardly a word could be caught by the most attentive listener to the noble lord who presided. At all times remarkable rather for the sound sense of his matter than for the grace of his manner, Lord John Russell's reading of his inaugural address was but a dull affair. the exception of a few hundreds immediately surrounding him, the whole of the vast assembly were left to derive their knowledge of what was going forward from the same source as their less fortunate brethren outside-the reports of the public press. We avail ourselves of this source of information to congratulate our readers on the frank and explicit avowals made by the president. Addressing himself to the various departments of the Association, Lord John said something on jurisprudence, on education, on punishment and reformation, on public health, and on social economy-a wide range of subjects, and exhibiting a wide sympathy. From an address occupying in delivery nearly two hours it is impossible to present adequate extracts. The entire speeches have been printed as a cheap pamphlet, and may be had from our publishers; and they will doubtless appear, revised by their authors, among the proceedings of the Association. Although fully recognising the efforts put forth, and hopeful of results, the facts as stated by Lord John Russell certainly point to many difficulties, and to a sad social condition.

"Our judicial statistics,' said he, it is well known, are very incomplete ; indeed, we have hitherto had no infor mation of any value giving the results Vol. 1.-No. 4.

381

of the proceedings of our civil courts. With regard to criminal trials and their results, we have, indeed, valuable annual returns, drawn up by a very intelligent officer attached to the Home Department-I mean Mr. Samuel Redgrave. From the return presented to parliament, I am about to quote the results of the trials which have taken place on several subjects of criminal jurisdiction. Those are, the offences of-1st, shooting at, stabbing, or wounding; 2nd, robbery; 3rd, burglary; 4th, housebreaking; 5th, larceny in a dwelling-house; 6th, forgery, and uttering forged instruments. The returns show the numbers convicted, sentenced to death, and executed for these offences in one year in every ten from 1817 to 1857, or, in other words, the changes which have taken place in forty years. I give you the results :

Convicted. 1817.. 912.. 1827..1,113. ..1,113... 1837..1,081. 1847. .1,498.. 1857. . 2,057.

Executed.

78

911....

405 18

41 . None.

None.

21.

None.

The population of Great Britain has increased from 1811 to 1851, in round numbers, from 12,000,000 to 21,000,000; and in England and Wales from 10,000,000 to 18,000,000. You will perceive that convictions have increased, and in a greater proportion. Upon examining these returns more in detail, there is a further result, namely, a great increase in crimes accompanied with personal violence. Thus, the numbers convicted of shooting at, stabbing, or wounding, has increased, between 1817 and 1857, from 26 to 208, and of robbery, from 154 to 378; while larceny in a dwelling-house has only increased from 143 to 246. Burglary has increased from 374 to 473; housebreaking, from 152 to 568; forgery, &c., from 62 to 184.

2

D

"The punishment of death,' he continues, being nearly discontinued, transportation to a colony virtually abolished, it has become a necessity for us to consume our own crime, and not to send it forth to contaminate other parts of the world. Hence it is a problem of the deepest interest to us to ascertain in what manner the thousands of criminals we used to send to Australia can be most effectually punished, for the sake of example, and most effectually reformed, for their own sake and that of the community.'

And