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H. Well, as for telling you what we said, he would be a clever fellow who could do that, we said so much. And, besides, we got rather noisy at last; and Orton and Kennedy made such long speeches, the others talking all the while across them, and we cheered and laughed so loud, and kept it up so late, that I feel rather confused this morning. But I remember that we settled it to our entire satisfaction, that when we get the franchise we shall, of course, vote against taxes, and abuses, and all that sort of thing, and make the great men in parliament do justice to the labouring classes, and make laws for their benefit.

W. That is rather vague, but it sounds very well upon the whole, and I hope that you will keep it in mind at the hustings and the polling-booth. You will recollect, however, that what you will have to vote for is not justice and wisdom, and all that in the abstract, but a particular man who offers himself as a candidate; and what you will have to vote against is another man, and not directly against abuses, taxes, aristocracy, and such like. I hope that you and I and all the rest of our class will vote conscientiously and intelligently; and if we do there can be no doubt that evils will be gradually corrected where they still exist, even after all that has been done of late years for the removal of the burdens which pressed upon industry, and bore hard upon the families of labouring men. I think I can see some important benefits which will flow, not only to our own order, but to the community at large from the extension of the suffrage, if we only make a right use of it. But really, neighbour, for you and me to expect that, as individuals, it will materially and at once improve our conditionthat it will furnish a cure for all our ills and a supply for all our wants-is a mere delusion; is, in fact, downright nonsense and folly.

H. Well, I don't know; it seemed clear enough last night. I wish you had heard Bill Orton and Kennedy upon it.

W. Ay, ay, I dare say they sawparticularly when they got a little 'confused,' as you call it a great many benefits to workmen in this Reform Bill which I cannot discern. I don't undervalue the suffrage; on the contrary, I think it will do good: but as for lifting us out of all our difficulties,

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procuring us easy work and high wages, and materially smoothing our path through life, depend upon it this Bill will do nothing of the sort. I can do far more for you myself than it will ever do, or, rather, I can tell you how you may do far more for yourself.

H. Bravo! Let us hear. I wish we'd had you at the Robin Hood last night with your grand plan. Will you come to-night and expound it?

W. Now, my good friend, this is the very thing which my scheme would knock on the head, this wasting of time and money at the Robin Hood. If you would only keep out of the publichouse, and devote to better purpose the time and money squandered there, you would do far more for yourself in one year than the new Reform Bill will do for you in ten; far more to improve your circumstances, far more to raise yourself in the social scale, far more to promote your credit and respectability, far more for your best interests both here and hereafter. I am quite serious. The franchise you speak of will not directly put a shilling in your pocket, and, indirectly, it will at best put only a few; while the course which I recommend will directly save you two or three pounds a year, and gain for you perhaps as much more; and indirectly, in its effect upon your health and character and credit, and upon the position and prospects of your family, it will benefit you to ten times that amount. And consider that here you have, under God, your future welfare in a great measure in your own hands. You may never get the franchise you talk about; and even if you should, it will work very slowly in your favour: here you can yourself operate at once and most effectually. What think you, Hughes?

H. Well, I suppose there is something in what you say. But I don't see much that is new in your scheme. It seems to me that I have heard it all before.

W. Very likely, though I don't think that you ever heard it at the Robin Hood. But new or old, is there sense and reason in it?

H. Perhaps there may be. But one must have amusement of some kind, and as well take it at the Robin Hood as anywhere else. And then we expect to get it cheaper, for Bill Orton says that we'll vote the duty off hops and licences, and so cheapen the beer; and Kennedy swears that the very first use

The Great Social Evil.

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which we ought to make of the suffrage is to strike the duty off whiskey. So we won't spend so much money, you

see.

W. I am not so sure of that. But even if it were so, what do you think of the loss of time, the fostering of a love of drink and dissipation in yourself and others, the injury done to your family, to your health, and to your reputation, not to speak of the eternity to which we are all approaching? Is there nothing here to make you pause and ponder? Then as to recreation, I am very far from frowning upon it. We must have amusement, as you say; but there is no reason why it should be of a kind to leave a sting behind it. I can enjoy myself right well at home with my family, with a good book or other occupation which I have a taste for, or I can have the company of a neighbour, or amuse myself out of doors, and be a far better man in health and strength and spirits than if I were soaking night after night in the Robin Hood. And, by the way, if we get this new franchise, I tell you frankly that I hope to see another use made of it than your friends Orton and Kennedy anticipate. What would you say if, by means of this same franchise, we were to make a rapid reduction-perhaps a clean sweep-of those pests and snares, the public-houses?

H. Do you really believe that you will ever see such a thing as this?

W. I shouldn't wonder. We shall see. Meanwhile don't let you and me deceive ourselves about the great things which this Reform Bill is to accomplish. I think that we-the working classesmay get something out of it in a few years, if we understand our own interests, and are earnest and united in seeking to advance them. I really do think, as I have said, that the parliament might still do something for us to promote our comfort, improve our circumstances, and further our elevation and intelligence. But I know full well that it will not, and cannot, do a hundredth part of what we may do for ourselves. Let us only be industrious and frugal, sober, steady, and trustworthy-let us embrace every means of self-improvement, and avail ourselves of every lawful opportunity of getting forward in the world-aud, if God grant us life and health, we shall do a thousand times more for ourselves and our families than all the Reform Bills in the

world will ever do for us or for them. Such is my view of the case, and I try to act accordingly.

H. Well, somehow you do get better on than most of us, though you had no better chance at first.

W. Not quite so good a chance, I think. But if I have got on well, take my word for it, it has not been by trusting to Reform Bills, or spending my nights at the Robin Hood. Good day, friend Hughes. Wamphray, N. B.

3. The Great Social Evil.: To the Editors of Meliora.

GENTLEMEN,

Or the privilege of making suggestions on the great social topics of the day, which you have accorded to the supporters of 'Meliora,' I, as a humble, though, I trust, zealous member of that body, gladly avail myself.

That intemperance is the 'perennial fountain' from which impurity flows, must be evident to the most superficial inquirer. I can speak with some confidence on this point. It has been my lot to study in both an Irish and an English university, and during my residence in both, having gained the confidence of many of my fellowstudents, who had departed from the paths of chastity, I found that in their calm, reflective moments, they all, with one or two exceptions, confessed that their first transgression of the laws of purity occurred when they were under the influence of intoxicating liquors.

That the drink' is the life-blood of prostitution also, close observation, whilst curate of the populous parish of St. Oswald's, Collyhurst, Manchester, compels me to acknowledge. Anxious to see the worst form of the terrible Scourge in that city, I sallied forth on a Saturday evening, accompanied by two detective policemen and a wellknown philanthropist. Disguised as a detective, I was enabled, without let or hindrance, to witness the abominations of the low theatre, the casino, the brothel, and the public-house. Horrified at the fearful, unmentionable scenes which met my gaze, I exclaimed, How are we ever to bring the Gospel to bear upon these poor creatures?' Never shall I forget the reply of the intelligent serjeant by whom I was escorted:-'Nothing, sir,

can

can be done without the Maine Law.' Now, this man was not in any way connected with the temperance reformation, in either of its aspects; and his testimony was, therefore, the more impartial. Would to God, that that testimony, borne by one so conversant with vice in all its ramifications, were duly pondered by every Christian throughout the kingdom!

But there is another point to which those who possess influence over the female mind should direct it, viz.: the duty of banishing from their society the man who is known to have been guilty of seduction, or to indulge in fornication. The power of the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters of our land is tremendous. Let them, then, repel with righteous indignation from their acquaintance, and from their homes, the villain who has robbed their sister of her honour, and, perchance, then flung her off to float as offal on the surface of society. Such is not their mode of procedure at present.

The broken-hearted victim is shunned as an unclean thing,' while the exultant victimiser is patronised and caressed. Nay: is it not notorious that many a fair and gentle woman bestows her heart and her hand as readily upon the well-known seducer or fornicator as upon the chaste and godly man? Women of the United Kingdom! these things ought not so to be. in the majesty of your purity, and frown down this dreadful vice, which, to a greater extent than is supposed, is undermining the foundations of the body social.

Rise

Ministers of Christ's gospel! let us not be ashamed to speak plainly on this subject. The truths which we utter may be bitter and unpalatable, but they are decidedly wholesome. I am, gentlemen,

Faithfully yours,

JOHN KINGSTON, Curate of Durrus, Diocese of Cork.

ART. VII.-RECORD OF SOCIAL POLITICS.

F Social Science has not made pro

it certainly has not been the fault of those devoted to its pursuit.

The meeting of the British Association at Leeds afforded an opportunity to Professor Owen, the president for the year, to deliver one of the most eloquent and thoughtful of the numerous public addresses which the parliamentary vacation always offers. The recent

changes in the departmental arrangements of the Association affording, in the statistical and economical section, scope for inquiry into questions formerly excluded, will, no doubt, render the British Association for the Promotion of Science even more popular than it has been; still, devoted as it must be mainly to the discussion and development of pure science, the interest attached to its meetings by social politicians will always be far less than that excited by the gathering of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science. The second annual meeting of this latter body has been unquestionably the great event of the vacation.

The selection of Liverpool as the place of meeting for the present year

was happy. Easy of access, and in itself, as the outlet and inlet of the streams of commerce which fertilize the northern counties, possessing very great interest, the facilities presented exist in few provincial towns. The noble structure St. George's Hall enabled the committee to hold all the meetings of the Association under one roof-the large gatherings in the great hall, and the several departments in the courts and the various anterooms which surround them.

Possibly the arrangements of the Liverpool meeting indicated a danger lest these splendid gatherings should degenerate into complimentary speechmakings, and the pleasant gossip of the soirée supersede the serious and important work of the sections. Possibly the discussions, hurried as they necessarily were, from the immense pressure of business, may be considered unsatisfactory; and the constant repetition of similar suggestions and thoughts from many individuals, each equally entitled to respect, be thought wearisome and unnecessary. But with all the fault which the most captious can discover, it is impossible to refuse to acknowledge

Social Science Association.

acknowledge that the Liverpool meeting was a great success, or to recognise the progress of one of the noblest efforts of modern civilisation.

The inaugural meeting, at which Lord John Russell delivered the opening address, was not only a brilliant but an affecting scene. The great hall, probably the most gorgeous in the world, with its massive gates, its granite columns, and its tesselated floor, was crowded to its utmost capacity with an enthusiastic audience. The gay toilets of the fair auditors gave brightness to the appearance of so vast a body of people; and the interest excited by the presence of statesmen of world-wide celebrity kept all in a state of lively excitement. But there, it must be confessed, enjoyment ended. The eye was gratified, but the ear was disappointed. Hardly a word could be caught by the most attentive listener to the noble lord who presided. At all times remarkable rather for the sound sense of his matter than for the grace of his manner, Lord John Russell's reading of his inaugural address was but a dull affair. With the exception of a few hundreds immediately surrounding him, the whole of the vast assembly were left to derive their knowledge of what was going forward from the same source as their less fortunate brethren outside-the reports of the public press. We avail ourselves of this source of information to congratulate our readers on the frank and explicit avowals made by the president. Addressing himself to the various departments of the Association, Lord John said something on jurispru dence, on education, on punishment and reformation, on public health, and on social economy-a wide range of subjects, and exhibiting a wide sympathy. From an address occupying in delivery nearly two hours it is impossible to present adequate extracts. The entire speeches have been printed as a cheap pamphlet, and may be had from our publishers; and they will doubtless appear, revised by their authors, among the proceedings of the Association. Although fully recognising the efforts put forth, and hopeful of results, the facts as stated by Lord John Russell certainly point to many difficulties, and to a sad social condition. "Our judicial statistics,' said he, it is well known, are very incomplete; indeed, we have hitherto had no infor mation of any value giving the results Vol. 1.-No. 4.

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of the proceedings of our civil courts. With regard to criminal trials and their results, we have, indeed, valuable annual returns, drawn up by a very intelligent officer attached to the Home Department-I mean Mr. Samuel Redgrave. From the return presented to parliament, I am about to quote the results of the trials which have taken place on several subjects of criminal jurisdiction. Those are, the offences of-1st, shooting at, stabbing, or wounding; 2nd, robbery; 3rd, burglary; 4th. housebreaking; 5th, larceny in a dwelling-house; 6th, forgery, and uttering forged instruments. The returns show the numbers convicted, sentenced to death, and executed for these offences in one year in every ten from 1817 to 1857, or, in other words, the changes which have taken place in forty years. I give you the results :

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"The population of Great Britain has increased from 1811 to 1851, in round numbers, from 12,000,000 to 21,000,000; and in England and Wales from 10,000,000 to 18,000,000. will perceive that convictions have increased, and in a greater proportion. Upon examining these returns more in detail, there is a further result, namely, a great increase in crimes accompanied with personal violence. Thus, the numbers convicted of shooting at, stabbing, or wounding, has increased, between 1817 and 1857, from 26 to 208, and of robbery, from 154 to 378; while larceny in a dwelling-house has only increased from 143 to 246. Burglary has increased from 374 to 473; housebreaking, from 152 to 568; forgery, &c., from 62 to 184.

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The punishment of death,' he continues, being nearly discontinued, transportation to a colony virtually abolished, it has become a necessity for us to consume our own crime, and not to send it forth to contaminate other parts of the world. Hence it is a problem of the deepest interest to us to ascertain in what manner the thousands of criminals we used to send to Australia can be most effectually punished, for the sake of example, and most effectually reformed, for their own sake and that of the community.'

And

And in propounding the question of public health, before congratulating the association upon much hopeful progress, Lord John did not hesitate to sound an alarm which may well arouse serious attention.

'On the question of public health,' he said, 'I find this statement in the registrar-general's report of the quarter ending June 30, 1858. "Upon dividing the population into two portions (1) the 8,247,117 people living in rather close proximity to each other, and (2) the 9,680,592 living much further apart, the result is, that the mortality in the dense districts was at the rate of 24 73, nearly 25 in 1000; while in the other districts, over which small towns and villages are distributed, the mortality was at the rate of 19:58, nearly 20 in 1000 of the population." Thus it appears that five persons more die every year in every 1000 of the 8,000,000 of people living in large towns than of the nine and a half millions of people living in the country; in other words, the excess of deaths in the large towns is 40,000 a year. When we add to this result the fact that temptations to intoxication and to vice of every kind are far more common in towns than in the country, that the means of education are likewise in large towns either less complete or less used, it is alarming to find by another statement of the registrar-general, that in England and Wales the town population is increasing much more rapidly than the population of the rest of the country. I suppose every one will agree that the tide of population cannot be checked or diverted from its channel; yet we cannot deny the importance or the urgency of the following questions. Now, in England and Wales the town population is increasing much faster than the population of the rest of the country; and the question is therefore becoming every day graver -How is the health of the nation to be sustained in the midst of the new dangers which millions of its people are encountering?'

Passing in review all which is being done in the various departments of social progress, the president did not hesitate, however, to avow his faith in ultimate substantial success.

We are not,' said he, 'like some philosophers of the last century, enamoured of an age of reason which will never come to pass. Nor do we share in the dreams of philanthropists who

ten years ago imagined that if property, and capital, and competition were put down by authority, the human race might sit down in happiness and contentment. Our task is more humble, but, as we conceive, more in accordance with the decrees of our Divine Creator. To mankind is allotted labour as its portion and perpetual inheritance. If any think that he has nothing to do but to eat, drink, and be merry, in that very night as fearful a doom may fall upon him as it did upon the tyrant of old. If any suppose, like the masters of the Roman empire, that the sword has done its work, and that nothing remains for them but luxurious enjoyment, that very luxury may revenge the conquered world. If any imagine that to them belongs dominion, and that they may indulge in contempt of the unlettered and ill-fed multitude, that very multitude may overwhelm them in bloody and merciless retribution. It is for us to work as truly as the man who forges the iron bar, or the woman who works at the factory loom. It is for us to endeavour to improve the laws by which the community is governed. It is for us to show how education may be extended and diffused. It is for us to examine and record what has been done for the reformation and punishment of offenders. It is for us to confirm and animate the efforts which are being made to sustain the public health, and thereby preserve for this country her eminence as the home of a vigorous and independent race of men. It is for us to investigate the conditions of the great problems of political economy, which may often admit of exceptions, but never of refutations. In so doing we shall but consult the welfare of the present and future generations; in so doing we shall follow the path traced out for us by Almighty Benevolence and Almighty Wisdom.'

After the address of the president a vote of thanks to Lord Brougham, as the abdicating potentate, was proposed by Lord Shaftesbury and seconded by Sir John Pakington. And then rose the old man, whose name was in all mouths, and whose honour was in all hearts, whose head has grown gray in the service of the people, and who, in spite of human frailty, seems determined, in the mature wisdom of his last years, to rival the usefulness and fame of his youthful zeal. The few words

he

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