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much affect the inferior courts, where the law was administered as it had been under the Saxons; but trial by jury was greatly improved. The men composing it were chosen from the neighbourhood where any crime was committed. They might be challenged. They could not give evidence as in Saxon times. The office of jurors arose with the custom of taxation. To make a proper entry of all persons and properties in Doomesday Book, William found it necessary to change the jurors. Every few years added to this necessity. Thus the people were taxed by the good' men of the district. William governed England by means of his council, which consisted of barons only. The king's court judged all causes, but by degrees became divided into the four courts which sit at Westminster still. Itinerant judges began to be known in the reign of Henry the Second; but it is notorious that in his reign there was no court in which justice was not bought or sold, as a common article of merchandise.' Money paved the way for all desires. But good came from these excesses. Normans and English were thus prepared, from the feeling of their common wrongs, to act together for their common deliverance. The provisions of Magna Charta point to nearly all the customs and abuses above mentioned as among the grievances of the times.' That great deed was gained in 1215. John was then king. His fame is chiefly dependent upon his quarrels with the King of France, the Pope, and his own barons. The latter wrested the charter of their liberties from him at Runnymede. It was a solemn protest against the evil of arbitrary arrests, and arbitrary taxation.' It placed the law as a fence about the person of the subject; and in regard to taxation, it placed the authority of the common council of the kingdom' abreast with the authority of the king. Even the villein' had certain rights secured by this arrangement of the nobles. It was expressly stipulated that there should be 'no sale, no delay, no denial of justice,' in the case of the humblest freeman.

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In the Church, William substituted Normans for Saxons in all high offices; he also instituted the spiritual courts which have been long known in this country. This introduced the canon law, and an endless train of vexations, from all of which we are not yet recovered. Celibacy was also enforced upon the clergy, and the dogma of transubstantiation added to the creed. The Anglo-Saxons had favoured neither of these; but when they were adopted in England, the power of the priesthood threatened the authority of kings. This was the age when Odo and Dunstan, Anselm and Becket, successively held the see of Canterbury, and when great disputes arose respecting the investitures of bishops. Papal wisdom condemned the charter, and the men who exacted it. The ambition of the priest sought to subdue the crown and noble,

Learning of the Period.

277

noble, and villein alike. These were the dark ages. The state of religion could not be healthy amidst venality, strife, and false doctrine. The Norman clergy knew not the language of the people, and cared not for their welfare. Themselves reckless, and often immoral, they could not keep the people from sinking into spiritual death. Religious life had few who illustrated its beauty or realized its happiness, and the Gospel was estranged from the people by the clergy. In the towns, as intelligence advanced and schools arose, dissatisfaction with the Church was felt, and some earnest inquirers found the truth that saves. In the reign of

Henry the Second, we read of a few who refused to invoke the saints, to believe in purgatory, or to pray for the dead; and who were publicly whipped through the streets of Oxford, three times, almost naked, in the depth of winter, into the open country, where, unassisted by all, and under the ban of excommunication, they perished by cold and famine. So began,' says Dr. Vaughan, the punishment of death on account of religious opinions in our history. This was in 1159.'

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Social life had to pass through a painful ordeal at the time of the Conquest, ere it could settle into order, or realize benefit, if any could be got, from the revolution. Industry was impeded by warfare. Traffic was dangerous. Farming was oppressed by exactions. But this could not continue. The Normans found it to be their interest to encourage agriculture and handicraft. Wool had been long exported and cloth imported; but manufacture slowly returned. The mines of Devon and Cornwall were wrought. Slavery, which had been disgracing and degrading the Englishman, was condemned. Seaports arose. But foreigners forestalled the market, and Jews congregated in towns and threatened to monopolize the trade. A harsh oppression of the latter followed, and laws for protecting the native trader were passed. Ship-building and seamanship then began to prosper, and commerce to extend.

Learning was favoured by Norman kings. Schools, lay as well as clerical, were multiplied. The Universities gained more renown. Upwards of a thousand students were resident at Oxford in the thirteenth century, and many students came from Paris to our ancient seat of learning. Cambridge in the same century had its noted teachers, and numbers of students. Aristotle was then the master of all philosophy, and the schoolmen flourished. Nominalism and Realism had their disputants among the English, and keen discussions on these subtle points drew forth intellectual life. The Latin language was spoken in all the schools of England, and contributed to give our scholars acquaintance with the letters and literary movements of Europe. The 'jongleurs' circulated thought among the people in a light form, light form, and exer

Vol. 2.-No. 7.

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cised

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cised an awakening influence on the slumbering imagination and feeling of multitudes.' Authors, too, came forth. Geoffry of Monmouth published his British History' in 1147, and his book, though full of fictions, became familiar to the most of the reading public of his day. It was first written in Latin, but was speedily translated into Norman, English, and Welsh. Copies were multiplied in great numbers, and the work was embellished anew, in whole or in part, by many writers, in prose and in verse. It thus became the basis of a popular historical literature-in the hands of Shakspeare of a dramatic literature, the fame of which must live as long as the name of the great bard himself shall live.' Various other authors flourished in this period, among whom we may mention Wace, the author of The Romance of Rollo.'

The language of the learned at the period of the Conquest was Latin, that of the court and of the tribunal was French; but the English tongue was the vernacular of the people, and soon gained upon the literary, the courtly, and the legal. The Saxon element was to engulph all others, and from the amalgam to make the Englishman with a language, a literature, a law, a liberty, an enterprise, and a religion eminently his own.

By the Conquest,' says Dr. Vaughan, ‘our island almost ceased to be insular. England became a consolidated power, participating in all the questions and interests affecting the nations of Europe. In the great controversy, for example, between the ecclesiastical and the civil power, England has its full share. All the subtle pleas on which such controversies were founded became familiar to men's thoughts in this country. Ecclesiastical disputes, military affairs in Normandy, the commencement of the Crusades, the fame of our Richard I. in these enterprises, the new laws, and the new features in the administration of law, all may be said to have been both the effects and the causes of a new wakefulness, disposing men to observe, to reflect, and judge in regard to what was passing about them. The five hundred monasteries had their schools, but the five hundred towns and cities were all schools; and in these last, the lessons taught, though little marked or perceived, were ceaseless, manifold, and potent. By degrees, Norman and Saxon became more equal. Marriages between the two races became every-day events. In the face of the law and of the magistrate, the two races may be said by this time to have been two races no longer. If the Saxon burgess and the Norman alderman still looked at times with jealousy upon each other, the fight between them became comparatively fair and harmless, as it became less a battle of the strong against the weak. When the corpse of King John was laid in Worcester Cathedral, the dark day in the history of England had passed. In future, the Norman, whether prince or baron, must demean himself more honourably towards the Englishman, or cease to be powerful. The revolution of this period to the Saxon, had consisted in his being defeated, despoiled, down-trodden, and in his recovering himself from that position by his own patient energy, so as to regain from the new race of kings all the liberty he had lost, and guarantees for that liberty which were full of the seeds of a greater liberty to come. With this revolution to the Saxon, there came revolution to the Norman. The Norman is no longer a man of military science, and nothing more-no longer a mere patron of letters, with scarcely a tincture of them himself. His intelligence is enlarged; his tastes are expanded and refined. The country of his adoption is becoming more an object of affection to him than the country from which he has derived his name. In short, the Norman is about to disappear in the Englishman. The Englishman is not about to disappear in the Norman. After all, the oldest dwellers upon the soil have proved to be the strongest.'

ART.

What'll You Drink?

279

ART. VI.

WHAT'LL YOU DRINK?*

IF there is any man I do hate, it is

that Biggs. Not that I have any personal antagonism to Biggs; but the fellow is continually broaching subjects that are unpleasant to me, following them up rigidly, and leaving me, as it were, without a leg to stand on. He has such a confounded way, too, of backing up what he says by documentary evidence. In fact, I have got to that point with Biggs that I generally let him have his way, not being able to combat him on the spot. Hereafter, I shall pursue a different course. I shall take notes of what he says, and then, in my leisure and the quiet of my library, I shall combat Biggs and expose his fallacies to the contempt of the world. To give some sort of an idea of the style of man I have to contend with, I will relate to you the result of meeting Biggs in the street a few days ago. The morning was slightly damp. I said

"Good morning, Biggs.'

'Literally speaking,' said Biggs, nodding his head, it is not a good morning. The air is damp and humid -a style of air peculiarly unwholesome in large cities, productive of coughs, colds, asthmas, and consumption.' Whereupon he dashed into a mass of statistical information, showing, by the city inspector's reports, how many had died of these diseases through the last three years-their ages, colours, sexes, the relative number of deaths in New York as compared with Paris and London, &c.; all of which he strengthened by the production from his pocket of the printed authorities.

Now what can you do with such a man?

I rather enjoy Biggs' society-that is, with the reservation that he keep clear of his unpleasant negatives. Otherwise, Biggs is a very agreeable person, and quite a gentleman.

Last Tuesday I met Biggs in Broadway. We walked and talked (without disagreement) on many very pleasant topics. All went merry as a marriagebell for a while. At last something prompted me to quietly lead Biggs up

to the magnificent bar of the Nonsuch House, where, as a natural consequence, I said—

"What'll you drink?'

Biggs hesitated, seemingly in an absent state.

By way of encouragement, I said, 'Brandy?' Biggs nodded vacantly, which the gentlemanly bar-keeper and myself both understood to mean 'Brandy. It was accordingly served. I touched my glass to Biggs's-a thing I never fail to do when drinking with a friend, from a feeling of respect for old customs. Everybody, of course, knows that this clinking of glasses and drinking of healths stand from the time of the Danish invasion of England. The conquerors for a long time wouldn't permit the English to drink in their presence, taking upon themselves an awkward way of slipping a dagger under the arm while raised with the cup. When the Danes got tired of this fun, they tried to persuade the English to drink; these gentlemen declined, unless the Danes would drink at the same moment as a pledge of safety. In respect, as I say, for this custom, I never neglect to touch the glass, if possible, or, at least, to say as much as 'Here's to you!'

I had touched Biggs' glass, and was just about to raise mine to my lips, when I was surprised to hear him say, in a very solemn voice

'Do you know what you're drinking?'

Of course I said 'Brandy,' with a look of astonishment.

'Poison!' said Biggs, with a decision that rather alarmed me.

Now I am rather particular in my eating and drinking. I neither eat nor drink loosely about town; and if there is one thing I detest, it is promiscuous drinking. I flatter myself that I am somewhat of a judge, and what I do give a man in my own house is as good as can be got for money. When I drink at a bar, I am a little particular as to what bar it is, and that what I drink is the straight' article. When, therefore, Biggs said

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* An American reprint indicative of the new phase of agitation by the license party, the outcry against adulteration of liquor. But drinking pure liquors cannot cure drunkenness.

to me 'Poison,' and that at the bar of the Nonsuch House, I must confess I was slightly startled, and-need I say it?-slightly offended also. Biggs took me gently by the arm, and we seated ourselves at one of the little tables against the wall.

'Do you know,' said he, holding his glass up to the light, and speaking very slowly and solemnly, what is the composition of that article you are about to drink?'

I was just about to say that the article I held was a little Cognac brandy, so called from the village of Cognac, on the river Charante, in the kingdom of France; that it was an alcoholic fluid distilled from grapes--a method discovered some time in the twelfth century, and first made known to the world in the beginning of the thirteenth by Raymond Lulle; though it was supposed that the Arabs had the secret of distillation some hundreds of years before, making use of it to obtain the perfumes of flowers, this being one of the most ancient records of perfumery. All this I was about to tell Biggs, but he wouldn't give me a chance. He took a long swallow of the fluid he held; in a critical way, smacked his lips, and making afterwards a strange, wry face, went on

Are you aware that not one per cent. of all the liquor sold as brandy in this country is really brandy? Do you know that we pay French distillers at Lyons and Marseilles, to say nothing of half a hundred other places, to make our corn whiskies into fine old brandies?'

I said, 'Ridiculous!' and, by way of showing that I thought so, I took a swallow of my 'poison,' as Biggs is pleased to term it. Biggs followed my example.

Yes, sir,' he continued, in the brandy-growing districts of France, including Cognac and the adjoining country of Champagne-not the winegrowing land of Champagne, but the spot from whence comes the beverage termed champagne-brandy-in all this country there is not one-fortieth part of the brandy made that is consumed in the United States alone. Even there, sir, the fluid is not safe from their doctoring hands. First it is touched up with a nauseous compound of burned sugar, to suit the taste of those who drink dark brandies. All brandies are light upon distillation,

and any of the article that surpasses in colour the pale amber is of necessity doctored with burned sugar. Then

there is white sugar to give it smoothness and sweetness. Do you know, sir, that the brandies brought from the very fountain-head, stamped and vouched for by the names of great manufacturers, are simply the making of a parcel of small farmers, or growers, about the neighbourhood of Cognac and Champagne, who bring the stuff they make to these manufacturers, as our farmers bring their cider to market? This crude stuff, which they call coupe,' is sold to the manufacturer, who sugars it (black sugar and white), stirs it, sulphurs it, waters it to suit different markets, and then our palates are treated to the genuine article.

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Now, sir, the flavour of true brandy, which you connoisseurs admire so much,' continued Biggs, sipping from his glass, is produced by the volatile oil of the grape. Science wouldn't be long, you see, in finding out that. Well, what does Science do under the circumstances? Why, of course, she goes to work to show how this aroma, this beautiful bouquet, can be imitated. She says to the distiller, "My dear fellow, if you will take about one hundred gallons of alcohol, and reduce it to proof, and add to this half a pound of cream of tartar, a little ascetic ether, a few gallons of French wine vinegar, a bushel or so of plums, if possible, allowing they are not too dear; some musk, which is the refuse of the wine-casks, if perfectly handy to be got at; about half a bushel of oak sawdust, just to give it the smack of age, you will have an excellent brandy."

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Capital!" says the distiller, doing everything but taste it. "Capital, madame, all but one thing."

"What's that?" says Science. "It does not bead on the side of the glass," says the distiller.

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"We'll soon fix that," says Science. With that, she goes to work and makes a machine that shall run down into the brandy-barrel, through the open bung, and convey steam by a pipe to the very bottom. In rushes the steam for a few hours, until the liquor bubbles and boils in its wooden prison.'

"How will that do?" says Science. "Just the thing," says the distiller, holding

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