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intolerance persisted in towards the catholics; the admiration accorded, and unlimited honours rendered to talents and merit of every kind, and yet, an almost exclusive esteem for wealth; finally, a boundless ardor for every enjoyment, and an almost incurable ennui for all the pleasures of life: such are only a part of the singularities which distinguish these proud islanders, a people apart from the rest of the world, and whose manners, character, inclinations, qualities, and defects so totally differ from those of other nations, that they seem to be a separate community amidst the great European family, and which has for many centuries retained, and preserved a stamp which is distinct, original, and indelible.'Vol. ii. pp. 65, 66.

Upon the subject of his mission the count found M. d'Adhemar every thing he could have wished him to be. But we suppose that the short lecture which our young diplomatist received from the famous Count d'Aranda, the Spanish ambassador in France, was worth all the other instructions together which were lavished upon him by the veterans of the foreign office. We give that lecture not less for its singularity than for the real wisdom which pervades it, premising only that d'Aranda had an inveterate and ridiculous habit of adding, at almost every sentence, the phrase do you understand me now?'

"The object of politics is, you know, to learn the strength, the means, the interests, the rights, hopes, and fears of the different powers, so that we may be on our guard against them, and may, on proper occasions, conciliate, disunite, or oppose them, or form alliances with them, according as our safety or interest requires. Do you understand me now?”

"Perfectly," I replied, "but this is exactly the knowledge that seems to me to require deep study and much difficulty to become master of." 'By no means," said he, "you are mistaken; in a few minutes, you will be perfectly master of the whole business. Look at this map, and see all the European states, great and small, with their extent and boundaries. Examine it well, and you will find that not one of these countries presents a regular compact whole, a complete square, a regular parallelogram, or perfect circle. There are always to be found some salient points, some vacancies of territory, and irregularities of outline. Do you understand me now?

""Look at the colossal empire of Russia; in the south, the Crimea is a peninsula projecting into the Black Sea, and that formerly belonged to the Turks: Moldavia and Wallachia are salient points, and have coasts on the Black Sea, which would be suitable to make the Russian territory compact, particularly if, by advancing towards the north, Poland were added to it; look again towards the north, there is Finland covered with rocks; it belongs to Sweden, and yet it is very close to Petersburgh. Do you understand me?

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"Let us now go to Sweden: do you see Norway? It is a broad strip that naturally depends on the Swedish territory. But, after all, it depends on Denmark. Do you understand me?

"Let us visit Prussia: remark how long, narrow, and unconnected this kingdom is; how many points must be filled up to extend it on the side of Saxony, Silesia, and then on the banks of the Rhine! Do you understand me? And what shall we say of Austria? She possesses the

Low Countries; which are separated from her by the German States, while she is close to Bavaria, which does not belong to her. Do you understand me now? You will meet with Austria again in the centre of Italy; but how far distant it is from its proper territory, while Venice and Piedmont would suit it perfectly!

“Well, I think I have said enough for one lesson. Do you understand me now? You see at present that all these powers wish to preserve their salient points, fill up their vacancies, and render their territory firm and compact when they find an opportunity. Well, my dear sir, one lesson is sufficient, for this is the whole essence of politics. Do you understand me?"

"Certainly," I replied, "I understand you, particularly when I cast my eyes upon the map of Spain, and see, on its western side, a long and handsome strip of territory, called Portugal, which would perfectly suit, I rather think, the compactness of Spain.'

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"I see that you do understand me," replied the Count d'Aranda. “You are now quite as learned as me in diplomacy. Adieu-go on gayly and boldly, and you will prosper. Do you understand me?"'—Vol. ii. pp. 78-80.

Thus furnished with abundance of good advice, our author set out upon his mission to Russia, but, as we have already observed upon this part of his work, we shall repeat our regret that it adds so very little to our knowledge of the characters who figured at the court of her, whom the Prince de Ligne, in his pointed manner, designated as Catherine le grand. We shall add two anecdotes, both illustrative, in their way, of the administration of justice at that time in Russia. The first is a tragical story.

'Marie Félicité le Riche, a young woman, handsome and gentle, had come to Russia with her father, whom a young noble had sent for to direct a manufactory. This undertaking not succeeding the old man was ruined, and soon saw himself without the means of existence for himself and daughter.

'Marie had formed an attachment for a young workman, but she had, at the same time, inspired the Russian officer who commanded the district in which they lived with a violent passion for herself. This person, influenced only by his desires, easily persuaded her father to refuse giving his daughter's hand to her lover, who was poor; he, at the same time, added, that one of his female relations wished to have a young person in her house, and that so advantageous a place would suit his daughter; the unfortunate father accepted the offer with gratitude.

'Marie, separated from her lover, set out for St. Petersburgh, and was placed under the superintendence of an old woman, in a small lodging, where she was provided with whatever she wanted, except her freedom, the protection she had hoped for, and the means of hearing from her lover, or corresponding with him.

'Being in the age of hope, Marie was resigned, and expected every thing from time: it soon, however, completed her misfortunes; her pretended benefactor arrived, threw off all disguise, and could no longer be regarded but as a vile corruptor. She, however, resisted with the double force of love and virtue.

Convinced of the inutility of every means of seduction, so long as the

young girl cherished the hope of being one day united to the object of her affections, the ravisher deceived her by causing a false account of her lover's death to be communicated. This fatal news threw her into wretch. edness and despair. Her persecutor, profiting by it, consummated his crime by violence, and then basely deserted her. The unfortunate Marie, unable to sustain the shock, sunk under it, and lost her senses; upon which, the pity of some charitable neighbour placed her in an hospital.

'Two years had elapsed, since this affair occurred, when I was shewn the deplorable victim of love and crime. Pale, languishing, and wandering, it was still easy to trace some remains of beauty: no sound escaped her lips; she had lost the power of expressing her sorrow: with her eyes continually fixed, and her hands on her bosom, she remained in the same state of consternation, surprise, silence, and even the attitude she had assumed, when the death of her lover was first announced; her body alone seemed to exist, while the soul of this luckless girl seemed to seek the object, which, under other circumstances, would have been the charm of her life.

Never will this melancholy spectacle be effaced from my memory. M. d'Aguesseau, my brother-in-law, who happened to be at St. Petersburgh, and who was affected like myself, by the sight of this young creature, made a sketch of her face; I am still in possession of the design, which frequently reminds me of the affecting Marie and her misfortunes.'-Vol. ii. pp. 190-192.

The second anecdote is laughable enough, though it seemed likely to end in a very different manner.

'A rich foreigner, named Suderland, was banker to the court and naturalized in Russia: he enjoyed great favour with the empress. He was one morning informed that his house was surrounded with guards, and that the head of the police wanted to see him.

This officer, whose name was Reliew, entered soon after, in great consternation, and, addressing Suderland, said, "I am charged, to my deep regret, by my gracious sovereign, to execute an order of which the severity terrifies and afflicts me, yet I am ignorant by what fault or crime you have excited the resentment of her majesty to such a degree."

"Me! sir," replied the banker, "I am as ignorant, and even more so than yourself; my surprise exceeds your own. But what is this

order ?"

"Sir," rejoined the officer," I really want courage to make it known to you.".

"What! can I have lost the confidence of the empress ?" "If that was all, you would not see me so distressed. Confidence may be renewed, or a place restored."

"Well! am I to be sent back to my own country?"

"That would be disagreeable, but with your riches people are well off every where."

"My God!" exclaimed Sutherland, trembling, "is it intended to exile me to Siberia ?”

"Alas! one could return from thence."
"To throw me into prison, perhaps?"
"If only that, you might get out again."
"Good heavens! do they intend to knout me?"

"That is a dreadful punishment, but it does not kill."

"But how!" said the banker, whose terror had now become still greater, "is my life in danger? The empress so kind and merciful, and who spoke to me with such kindness, only two days ago, does she wish ....... but I cannot believe it. Pray come to the point! death itself would be more preferable to this suspense."

"Well then! my dear sir," said the officer at length in a lamentable tone," my gracions sovereign has given orders to empale you."

"To empale me !" cried Suderland, fixing his eyes on the interlocutor: "but you have lost your senses, or the empress has not preserved hers; besides, you would not surely receive such an order without representing its barbarity and extravagance."

"Alas! my unfortunate friend, I did that which we scarcely ever dare attempt, I shewed my surprise and sorrow; and was about to hazard some humble remonstrances; but my august sovereign, in a tone of irritation, reproaching me for my hesitation, ordered me to quit her presence, and execute her wishes instantly, adding the following words, which still ring in my ears: Go, said she, and do not forget that it is your duty to perform, without murmuring, all the commissions with which I deign to entrust you."-Vol. ii. pp. 197-199.

After a great deal of difficulty the banker obtained permission to address a note to the empress, who, upon reading it, instantly comprehended the matter, and, after ordering him to be liberated, thus explained the mistake.

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"I now," said she, "see the cause of a scene as ludicrous as it is inconceivable: I had, for some years, a pretty dog, of which I was very fond, and I had given him the name of Suderland, because it was that of an Englishman who presented it to me. This little animal has just died; I ordered Reliew to have it stuffed: and, as he hesitated, I got into a passion with him, imagining that he had, from foolish vanity, thought such a commission beneath his dignity; such is the solution of this ridiculous enigma."-Vol. ii. p. 200.

Catharine usually spoke to her agents and ministers in the French language, and Reliew, it seems, mistook the word empaler, to impale, for empailler, to stuff! Such are the securities for life in Russia!

In conclusion, we must observe that the translation, from which we have quoted, is very unequal in its execution. Some passages are tolerably well rendered, while others are treated in the most negligent manner. The errors of the press in it are innumerable.

ART. VII. Storia d'Italia del 1789 al 1814, scritta da Carlo Botta. Firenze. 1825.

THE history of Italy, towards the end of the eighteenth century, and at the beginning of the nineteenth, whilst it records a long series of calamities and disappointments to that ill-used country, is, at the same time, full of events of the greatest interest to the whole western world. The contest between monarchy and innovation,

which had begun in France, was adjourned to Italy; it was in the disputed fields of Piedmont and Lombardy that the fortunes of the revolution took that ascendancy, the effects of which have been felt since, not only by Europe, but even beyond the Atlantic. The principal actors of that early stage have now passed away, subsequent occurrences have superseded the interest excited at the time, but the moral influence of that first fierce strife still remains; its good and its evil tendencies are discernible to every dispassionate observer, and they will probably be experienced by generations yet to come. From the success of the French revolution in Italy a new era has begun for the world.

Throughout that struggle Italy, unwilling and unrequited, furnished both parties with the materials for carrying on a war by which her people were invariably the sufferers. Divided into numerous fractions of states, distracted by parties, without one common rallying point, the people of the Italian peninsula saw all their institutions, all the old scaffolding of society, crumble to pieces around them, and they, at last, found themselves wandering among ruins, and obliged to scramble with the stranger and the invader to save a scanty pittance of the wealth which was once their own. But Italy, though passive, was not unconcerned: unlike the people of Germany, who, during the same period, stood listless and resigned in the midst of the war which was raging through their lands and their cities, the Italians were alive to all the suggestions of those maddening times, to all the delusions of fanaticism and ambition, to all the allurements of licence and infidelity, and also, and not unfrequently, to the nobler aspirations of patriotism and glory. And, while the character of their country and the temperament of their minds cast a wild romantic shade on the incidents of a war, carried on through regions of never fading interest, the devoted people of Italy were brightening, with their brilliant southern dye, the destructive scene, and adorning the sacrifice of which they were ultimately the victims.

The attempt, by an Italian, to write a history of his country, a few years only after the close of the great drama, must appear, at first, a hazardous undertaking. However impartial he may strive to be, however ungoverned by interest of any sort, however secure from the danger of persecution, he can hardly be expected to divest himself of every feeling of sympathy or aversion, of gratitude or indignation, towards those who have swayed the destinies of his native land, and who have, either directly or indirectly, influenced his own condition, and that of his relatives and acquaintances. The Othos, Galbas, and Vitelliuses of the age, their friends and creatures, cannot be said to be unknown to him either beneficio or injuria. Their fame is still held in veneration by thousands of zealous partisans, who fiercely watch over the sanctuary of their memory, to prevent, if possible, any obnoxious record from transpiring, and to contradict any assertion which may prove detrimental to the re

VOL. II.

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