of formal protest, the withdrawal of a minister or ambassador, or the complete severance of diplomatic relations are milder forms of pressure, although all may carry implications of more serious action, and the last is seldom resorted to except as a preliminary to war. These acts are within the exclusive power of the President.33

215. Display of Force.

A more material means of bringing pressure is the display of force. This measure may be designed to bring pressure upon a foreign government by intimidation; to bring protection to merchant vessels on the high seas; or to bring order on the high seas through the intimidation of pirates, slave traders, etc. The President as Commander-in-Chief has power to has power to move the navy. President Roosevelt's dispatch of a naval vessel to Colon, Panama, in 1903 illustrates the effectiveness of such methods. His dispatch of the fleet around the world in 1903 furnishes another illustration. Display of force is useless as an agency of intimidation unless the party to be intimidated believes the force has power to act. Hence this method of bringing pressure can hardly be separated from such methods as the occupation of territory, reprisals, and the seizure of private property. Consequently the use of the navy for intimidation should be authorized by the President only after due consideration and never by a subordinate except in extreme emergency. Thus in 1887 Secretary of State Bayard wrote the Chargé in Peru: 85

"It is always expected that the agents of this Department abroad will exercise extreme caution in summoning national war vessels to their aid at critical junctures, especially if there be no practical purpose to be subserved by their presence."

authorized the display of Such authority was given

Congress has on several occasions force for protecting merchant vessels. by several acts of 1798 to defend them against French privateers. On February 25, 1917, President Wilson asked Congress to authorize

33 Moore, Digest, 7: 103.

34 Supra, sec. 145, Thayer, Life of John Hay, 2: 351. President Roosevelt's threat to employ force if Germany refused to arbitrate the Venezuela question in 1904, may also be mentioned, Ibid., 2: 287.

35 Moore, Digest, 7: 109, see also Mr. Adee to Mr. Sill, 1895, ibid., 2: 401.

the arming of merchant vessels as a defense against German submarines but added: 36

"No doubt I already possess that authority without special warrant of law, by the plain implication of my constitutional duties and powers, but I prefer in the present circumstances not to act upon general implication. I wish to feel that the authority and the power of the Congress are behind me in whatever it may become necessary for me to do."

The proposed measure passed the House of Representatives but was defeated by a Senate filibuster. Several Senators attacked it as an unconstitutional delegation of the power to declare war. However, on March 12th, Secretary of State Lansing gave out a statement to the foreign legations in Washington that: "7

"The government of the United States has determined to place upon all American merchant vessels sailing through the barred areas, an armed guard for the protection of the vessels and the lives of the persons on board."

President John Adams had no doubt of his power to authorize the arming of merchant vessels, although he asked Congress to make detailed regulations for this purpose as it did in 1798.88 The neutrality laws appear expressly to recognize the President's power by requiring armed merchant vessels leaving American ports to give bond "until the decision of the President is had thereon." 89 It should be noticed, however, that international law, as interpreted in American courts, authorizes the condemnation by a belligerent of merchant vessels resisting visit and search, and an act of 1819, still in effect, expressly prohibits resistance to "a public armed vessel of some nation in amity with the United States." The President's power to authorize arming is, however, clear, as is his power to authorize protection by naval convoys.*2

36 Corwin, op. cit., p. 152.

40

87 Naval War College, Int. Law Docs., 1917, p. 225.

42

98 Message, May 16, 1797, Richardson, Messages, 1: 237.

39 Criminal Code of 1910, sec. 17.

40 The Bermuda, 3 Wall, 514; The Jane, 37 Ct. Cl. 24; The Rose, 37 Ct. Cl. 240; Moore, Digest, 7: 485-487; Naval War College, Int. Law Topics, 1903, p. 110; 1907, p. 61.

41 Act March 3, 1819, 3 Stat. 513, made permanent Jan. 30, 1823, 3 Stat. 721. See also remarks of J. Q. Adams, Moore, Digest, 7: 492.

42 Ibid., 7: 492; Corwin, op. cit., p. 156,

Congress has sometimes authorized the use of the navy for police purposes on the high seas, as to enforce neutrality and the suppression of piracy and the slave trade as required by treaty, but the President would seem to have power even in the absence of such acts, though seizures could not be made except of American vessels, pirates, or vessels liable under treaties.43

Forces may also be displayed on land frontiers by authority of the President as a defensive measure. An illustration is furnished by the mobilization on the Mexican border in 1914."

216. Occupation and Administration of Territory.

The President doubtless has power to order the occupation of foreign territory to defend the territory of the United States against an "instant and overwhelming" menace.45 Thus the Amelia Island pirates were destroyed in 1817 and General Pershing's expedition was sent into Mexico in pursuit of Villa in 1916.40 An "instant and overwhelming" menace to American citizens abroad would give similar justification. The bombardment of Greytown, Nicaragua, in 1852 and the dispatch of troops to Peking in 1901 are illustrations. The President may similarly dispatch troops in fulfilment of treaty guarantees. Thus several Presidents dispatched troops to Panama in pursuance of the guarantee treaty of 1846 and President Roosevelt sent troops to Cuba in 1906 in pursuance of the treaty of 1903.48

47

Where foreign territory is occupied in order to bring pressure upon a foreign government, the action is very likely to lead to war and an authorizing resolution of Congress would seem necessary. However, such occupations have occurred without express authorization, as for example President Taft's dispatch of troops to Nicaragua and San Domingo, and President Wilson's dispatch of troops to 43 Supra, secs. 125, 126, 151.

44 Am. Year Book, 1914, p. 303.

45 The legitimacy of self-help in the presence of "a necessity of selfdefense, instant, overwhelming and leaving no choice of means and no moment for deliberation" was recognized in the Caroline controversy of 1840, Moore, Digest, 2: 412.

40 For other instances see Moore, 2: 402-408.

47 Ibid., 2: 400-402, 414-418; 5: 476–493.

48 Supra, sec. 145, Taft, op. cit., p. 87.

49

San Domingo, Haiti, and Vera Cruz, Mexico. In such cases ratifying resolutions have frequently been passed after the act, or treaties have been made with the occupied state.50

Occupation of enemy territory is, of course, a legitimate method of warfare, and a declaration of war, ex propria vigore, authorizes the President to both occupy and militarily govern enemy territory, although it does not authorize him to annex it.51

217. Capture and Destruction of Foreign Military Forces.

The dispatch of military or naval forces to capture or destroy the forces of a foreign government would seem to bear such a close resemblance to war that it could hardly be authorized by the President alone. However, as we have seen in the case of the Tripolitan "war" of 1801, President Jefferson took such action, which was subsequently ratified by Congress. President Polk did the same in the Mexican war, though according to his theory the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma were fought on United States. territory in repelling invasion. Commodore Perry seems to have been authorized to use force to open Japan in 1852 and the Wyoming had similar authority to aid in the opening of the Straits of Shiminoseki, Japan, in 1864.52 In fact in most cases of display of force, undoubtedly an ultimate use of force was authorized. Naval officers have often been sent on diplomatic missions by authority of the President alone, to semi-civilized states, with the evident intention that force should not only be displayed but used if necessary. 53

Use of military force against foreign powers has often been authorized by Congress without declaration of war. This was true of resolutions relating to France in 1798, to Tripoli in 1801,

49 Corwin, op. cit., p. 162, supra, sec. 207.

50 Thus a ratifying resolution was passed after the Vera Cruz incident of 1914, and a treaty authorizing the exercise of a police power by the United States was made with Haiti after the intervention had begun.

51 Cross v. Harrison, 16 How. 164; Santiago v. Nogueras, 214 U. S. 260; Fleming v. Page, 9 How. 603.

52 Moore, Digest, 7: 112-118.

53 Infra, sec. 239. See also Paullin, Diplomatic Negotiations of American Naval Officers, Baltimore, 1912.

to Algiers in 1816, to Paraguay in the Water Witch incident of 1858, to Venezuela in 1890.54

A declaration or recognition of war of course automatically gives full power to the President to authorize an attack upon the military forces of the enemy.

218. Seizure and Destruction of Private Property.

9955

Congress is expressly given power to "grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water." The President has no power to direct the capture of private property without express authorization of statute, treaty, or international law. Congress may authorize the grant of letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, but has never done so." During the war of 1812 privateering commissions were issued and in the Civil War they were authorized but not issued. Privateering is prohibited by the Declaration of Paris of 1856, and though the United States has never acceded, yet it has not resorted to the practice in subsequent wars." Congress may authorize naval forces to make reprisal upon private property at sea in time of peace. Thus President Jackson asked Congress to authorize him to make reprisals against French vessels in view of the non-execution of the claims treaty of 1831:

58

"The laws of nations," said President Jackson, "provide a remedy for such occasions. It is a well settled principle of the international code that where one nation owes another a liquidated debt, which it refuses or neglects to pay, the aggrieved party may seize on the property belonging to the other, its citizens or subjects, sufficient to pay the debt, without giving just cause of war. This remedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and recently by France herself towards Portugal, under circumstances less unquestionable."

Clay, in his report from the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations,

"Reprisals do not of themselves produce a state of public war but they are not unfrequently the immediate precursor of it. . . . The authority

54 Moore, Digest, 7: 109-112.

55 U. S. Constitution, I, sec. 8, cl. 11.

56 Mr. Sanford to Mr. Cass, Aug. 16, 1857, Moore, Digest, 7: 122.

57 Ibid., 7: 544, 558, 558.

58 Ibid., 7: 124.

59 Ibid., 7: 126–127.