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Sacheverel, Dr. "Trial."`

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INTRODUCTORY

CONSIDERATIONS.

W

HEN I profefs to have undertaken the arduous task of difcuffing the Rights of Englishmen, I shudder at every view, which presents itself, in the vaft variety of difficulties, that threaten me in the execution of the defign. The magnitude and importance of the fubject call aloud for the exertions of every man, who makes his country's caufe his own. No fubject so deeply affects us as citizens; no fubject, in fo fhort a period, ever produced fuch a variety of difcuffions, differtations, and arguments; and I fear, that I am but too fully warranted in afferting, that no fubject has ever been more mifconceived, more mifreprefented, more mifapplied.

When we see men of the most enlightened minds differ fo widely upon principles apparently clear and uncontrovertible; when we read works of great erudition and strength of argument written upon thefe principles, to inculcate doctrines the most repugnant and

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The imporfubject.

tance of the

contradictory; when, in the various revolutions of empires, we see the most opposite effects produced by these very principles, what other conclufion can be drawn, than mifreprefenta that the principles themselves have been mifconceived, mifreprefented, and mifapplied?

Mifconception,

tion, and mifaplication. of the principles.

Apology for this publication.

It would derogate from the dignity of the fubject under our confideration, were I to defcend into perfonal altercation or controverfy with the different perfons, who have already, by their publications, taken a decifive part in the agitation of the question: a question the most elevated, dignified, and important, that can employ the mind of man, as it most effentially affects his happinefs, welfare, and existence, in this state of mortality. An eloquent writer has afforded me a most confolatory apology for offering to the public my humble efforts, after the exertion of fo many others of fuperior talents, information, and experience *. "Too many "minds cannot be employed on a contro"versy so immenfe, as to present the most "various afpects to different understandings, "and fo important, that the more correct "ftatement of one fact, or the more fuccefs«ful illuftration of one argument, will at

* Mr. Macintosh's Advertisement to his Vindicia Gallicæ.

"leaft

"least rescue a book from the imputation of "having been written in vain."

In the combination of the political circumstances of the prefent day, I know not how I can render a more effential fervice to my country, than by endeavouring faithfully to represent, and ftrongly to imprefs the minds of my countrymen with the true genuine principles of the Rights of Man; for upon this bafis hath been raised the most brilliant and ftupendous work of human œconomy, the bleffed and glorious conflitution of the British empire. The great Chancellor Fortefcue entertained fo fublime an idea of it, as early as in the fourteenth century, that he faid: "And for the fame " reafon it is, that † St. Thomas is fuppofed

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to wish, that all the kingdoms and nations "in the world were governed, in the politi"cal way, as we are." And the fame learned Chancellor, in the inftructions, which he gave to his royal pupil Prince Edward, the eldest fon of King Henry the Sixth, carries his encomium of our laws and conftitution to the very higheft poffible hyperbole ‡: Rejoice, therefore, my good Prince, that

De Laud. Leg. Ang. c. xxxvii. p. 86:

+ This idea of St. Thomas Aquinas is taken from his book De Regimine Principum.

De Laud. Leg. Ang. c. ix. p. 18.
B 2

"fuch

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Reafons for avoiding any foreign matter.

"fuch is the law of the kingdom, which you

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are to inherit, because it will afford both "to yourself and fubjects the greatest fecu"rity and fatisfaction. With fuch a law,

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fays the fame St. Thomas, all mankind "would have been governed, if in paradife "they had not tranfgreffed the law of God." The preference and fuperiority, which our conftitution claims over every other known political form of government, will confine my confiderations folely to mine own country. The introduction of foreign matter, befides diverting our minds from the proper attention to ourfelves, would argue an inadequacy in our establishment to elucidate and enforce the fundamental principles of our conftitution which are, in fact no other, than those of the Rights of Man.

Enlightened as the prefent age is, or pretends to be, it must appear highly paradoxical, that there should exift a queftion of difference upon principles apparently fo clear and perspicuous, that, like other first principles in philosophy, they are to be taken upon credit, and fubmitted to without hesitation; for perfpicua non funt probanda. « What our "predeceffors took great pains to prove, we

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