men, as betraying too much of the spirit of caste and too much prejudice against color.1

I will say that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; that I am not in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people. . . . There is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. . . . I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the negro must be denied everything. I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone... I have never had the least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes if there was no law to keep them from it; but as Judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, I give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the law of this State, which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes.

And in his rejoinder he added: I am not in favor of negro citizenship. My opinion is that the different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the Constitution if they choose. The Dred Scott decision decides that they have not the power. If the State of Illinois had that power I should be opposed to the exercise of it. That is all I have to say about it.

At the beginning of the contest Senator Trumbull had charged that Douglas had besmirched himself in connection with the Toombs Bill, helping to strike from it the provision permitting the people of Kansas to submit the constitution to a vote. Douglas denied that the bill contained any such provision, and branded Trumbull as a liar. Lincoln, more ag

1 Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, by Henry Wilson, Vol. II, p. 576 (1872).

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gressive than he had been before, now took it up and resented such gross attacks upon Senator Trumbull. He reviewed the devious course of the Toombs infamy and proved, by unquestionable evidence, that it did embody such a provision, and thus, if not convicting Douglas of the original offence, proved that he had stated an untruth in the matter. The charge of conspiracy, hitherto vague and shadowy, became definite and effective, and Lincoln suggested to Douglas that "it will not avail him at all that he swells himself up, takes on dignity, and calls people liars." Douglas was furious, as he had reason to be under such a charge, which meant that while proclaiming "popular sovereignty " he was plotting to overthrow it. Both men were angry, and blows fell thick and fast. taliating Douglas revived the old yarn that Lincoln, while in Congress, had voted against furnishing supplies to the army during the Mexican War. Whereupon, Lincoln seized O. B. Ficklin, a Democrat who had been in Congress with him in the forties, and who personally knew that Douglas "lied," leading the man forward as a witness with such muscular force that he could not resist. Ficklin afterward said that Lincoln shook all the Democracy out of him that day. Though neither charge has any value for us, Lincoln believed that Douglas did help to concoct the Toombs Bill, and so thorough was his circumstantial demonstration that he said that his opponent might as well call Euclid a liar. Both friend and foe were glad when time was called upon Lincoln, for all felt that Douglas had had enough, and that it was time to let up on him.1

1 According to I. N. Arnold, Douglas could not keep his seat, but walked rapidly up and down the platform, watch in hand, obviously impatient for the call of" time." The instant the second hand reached the point, he called out: "Sit down, Lincoln, sit down. Your time is up. Turning to Douglas, Lincoln said: "I will. I will quit. My time is up.”—Life of Lincoln, p. 148 (1884). But Horace White, who was present, remembers no such incident. And, though Douglas was doubtless glad when "time" was called, he was too wily a man to display such restiveness, even if he felt it. But it is true that on that day he was taught a lesson, as no doubt Lincoln regretted his exhibition

of ire.

II

At last Mr. Herndon "let the cat out of the bag" and told the secret, of which he had hinted in his former letter, which explained the course of Lincoln in the contest. Incidentally, in replying to what Mr. Parker had said about Seward for the Presidency, he shows that so far the friends of Lincoln had not thought of their leader for that high office. He also makes clear, what had been a puzzle to Parker, what was meant by "looking Douglas in the eye," and the efficiency of that method of worming secrets out of an opponent. Exactly how far this scheme went is uncertain, but Herndon believed, and so did Lincoln, that it extended to a definite bargain:

Mr. Parker.

Springfield, Ill., Sept. 20, 1858.

66

Dear Sir:-I came home on this day and found yours of the 9th inst., at my residence. I am much obliged to you. I was afraid in my hurry that I did not make plain what I wanted to say. There is one thing I forgot to answer in your former letter, and that was this: Seward will be our next candidate for the Presidency." This was your opinion, but let me say, I doubt it. There is something in the wind, the full idea of which I do not gather. My opinion is that to get the Know-Nothings, North as well as South, our Republican platform will be lowered so low that Seward will not stand on it, or if he would he is not the man to suck to himself all the floating materials on the great sea of politics. Look out for cowardly expediency! Watch! I admit with you that if Seward is the candidate and is elected that the iron wedge is then ready, and will be driven, so that as the things split the fibers along the lines of the crack will sing from the intensity of the blow. Friend, form no loved theory just now: men are cruel, and politicians are cowards, crucifying God in their base cowardice, as they go onward.

I have often said to you that Greeley has done us infinite harm in this State, and now let me explain. First, Greeley, Seward, Weed, and Douglas, by accident or otherwise, met in Chicago in the month of October, 1857, and soon afterward it was announced to me officially, but privately, that Senator Douglas was a Republican. I did not see these

men in Chicago, though I believe they were so informed. This is the substance of the Chicago contract. Douglas said to Greeley, etc., "You support me for the Senate, and I will support Seward for the Presidency, and take my chance for the office in time." "Agreed," said the crowd. The New Yorkers went eastward, and Douglas stayed at home, insinuating that he was a Republican, etc. It somehow turned up that Judge Trumbull was told of this; but he rebelled, his friend Lincoln not having been consulted in the trade; and so the matter fell to the ground. This accounts for Douglas's savage attacks against Lecompton. Greeley found out that he could not rule us- could not turn us over to Douglas; and so the bargain was null and void; and so this accounts for Douglas's later pro-slavery tendencies. So wags this great political world. This, too, accounts for Greeley's support of Douglas, Haskin, etc., at first, and now his cold and cowardly advocacy of Lincoln. Here then is the whole matter as I can get it. There is yet, do not forget, an agreement to lower the Republican flag, so that all gray-headed, cowardly, sniveling, conservatives, North as well as South, may gather upon a degraded plank. I say; look out!

I hold in my hand a letter from a certain Senator of the United States good heavens, would you believe it! - acknowledging something, substantially, which amounts to a partial confession of the Douglas-Lincoln phase of things. I cannot state all-it's private. I told you once, if not oftener, that if I could look Douglas in the eye I could tell what was going on. Doubtless you thought I was foolish. I did so and told you all I dared, when in Boston. There is a peculiar tie which binds men together, who have drank "bouts" together. So with Douglas and my humble self. I am hard to fool, friend, by man. I can read him about as well as he knows himself. Excuse this arrogance. I brought this news to our town and it astonished Lincoln and our boys, and thunderstruck the Chicago Tribune, etc. One of my reasons for being in Boston may now be accounted for. Do you understand? Will finish in next. W. H. HERNDON.

Your friend,

Whether or not the agreement here referred to took the shape of an actual bargain, this letter illumines the whole campaign, so far as Lincoln, Trumbull, and the Illinois Republicans were concerned, and helps us to understand it as

never before. Be it noted that the date of this meeting in Chicago, October, 1857, was two months before the revolt of Douglas against the Lecompton fraud, and, as Herndon, Lincoln, and Koerner believed, inspired that revolt. This explains, among many other things, the dickerings of Douglas for Republican support, his sending documents to Herndon and others. It makes clear the action of the Republican State convention in giving Lincoln a direct, specific, and unqualified nomination, and gives the key to his speech of acceptance. It explains the apathy of Greeley, his "mean speech," to which Mr. Parker referred, his lack of enthusiasm for Lincoln, and his pleas to Herndon for Harris. It accounts for the prophecy of Douglas in his Chicago speech, that the Republicans would come over to his side, and his anger and bitter denunciation when they refused to come; his contemptuous belittlement of Lincoln and his friends, his charge of a corrupt bargain between Lincoln and Trumbull, his effort to brand them as Abolitionists, his later pro-slavery tendencies and, indeed, his devious movements during the whole campaign. It is a most illuminating and valuable letter, and so Mr. Parker regarded it.

Hon. Mr. Herndon.

Boston, Mass., Sept. 23, 1858.

My Dear Sir:- Your last letter, just come to hand, is quite important. I shall keep it confidential, but consider the intelligence, and "govern myself accordingly." That "accidental" meeting in Chicago is quite remarkable, and explains many things which seemed queer before. Last spring you told me much which was new, and foretold what has since happened. I did not understand till now, after reading your last letter, how you could tell what Douglas was after by looking in his eye; now it is clear enough. There is a freemasonry in drinking. I long since lost all confidence in Greeley, both as a representative of a moral principle, and as the adviser of expedient measures. His course in regard to Douglas last winter was inexplicable until now.

We must not lower the Republican platform. Let the Know-Nothings go to their own place; we must adhere to the principle of Right! I go for Seward as the ablest and