closely followed that even the words 'jeunesse orageuse' are to be found therein; but Mr. Kinglake adds this explanation: 'I believe the phrase in the mouths of Frenchmen generally implies that the things done by the person spoken of are closely bordering on crime.' Now the work from which it is taken was published and written by St. Arnaud's brother.

When the two armies were intrusted to these two men destined to die in the service of their country, the difference between them appears to us to be more remarkable than Mr. Kinglake makes it. The one had been occupied in apportioning praise and blame to one army; the other had been doing things worthy of praise and blame in another army. The one had never had an interruption in his long unbroken career of prosperity; the other a ruined man one day, a hero the next. The one getting advancement from this uncle or that brother, or giving advancement to this nephew or that cousin; the other winning it at the sword's point. The peculiarity of Lord Raglan's character was that forty years' desk-work had not damped his ardour or blighted the honest and loyal enthusiasm of his character. The redeeming point in St. Arnaud was that ill-health and indulgence had not pulled down the better parts of his moral and physical structure. A social and genealogical comparison of them in a serious military work appears to us to be nonsensical.

To a military man the only contrast was that one had commanded in the field and the other had not. St. Arnaud's strength arose from his African campaigns, the worst episode in which was having smoked out a number of Arabs in a cave. A bad story no doubt, but one which it is scarcely fitting for an Englishman to animadvert on within three years of the Indian mutiny. The worst thing which could be said of Lord Raglan was, that he was imbued with that weakness which pervaded the whole Horse Guards: namely, an absurd worship of the Duke of Wellington. When the war broke out he was Master-General of the Ord

nance; but his career had been principally passed at the Horse Guards as military secretary, where the whole personnel of the British army had been confided to his care. The patronage or advancement in the British army is decided partly by chance and partly by selection. The chance part being the regimental system of purchase, and the selected part being mostly in the hands of the military secretary. The regimental system produced good regiments; the selected portion or staff, was neither bad nor good, it hardly existed. When Lord Raglan was intrusted with the command he had to choose his staff. He could not be ignorant of the officers of the army, and he ought not to have been ignorant of the proper elements for making an efficient staff. His choice of instruments was, we believe, deliberate and systematic. He announced that those who had so long been dandled in peaceful service should have the preference to win their spurs; while those who in India or elsewhere had known war were to be rejected. The new staff was therefore formed of Horse Guards favourites, nephews, and guardsmen. The chief felt himself unspoiled by long years of peace and plenty, and took it for granted that others were as elastic as he was. The worst part of all was in the selection of the cavalry commands. Two brothers-in-law, hating one another as only connexions can, and both having passed through a jeunesse orageuse, which Kinglake deprecates, were chosen for the divisional and light brigade commands. One a clever man, and the other a good drill, but both equally deficient in the power of commanding themselves or other people. These two officers had no merit that we know of except their high rank. If it be true that in the list of cavalry officers no other officers were to be found, it was very much the fault of Lord Raglan.

Not one of the officers commanding divisions and brigades had commanded large bodies of troops in the field. Lord Raglan himself had not. Sir George Brown had not. Thus it is not so very surprising that on the armies first coming

together, a plan was made-perhaps by St. Arnaud, but we think more probably by the French staff-to obtain the general direction of the allied armies.

The defeat of this project gives occasion for another startling picture of Lord Stratford.

'The marshal went to the English embassy, and the operation of making acquaintance was carried into full effect. Imagination may see the process-may see the light, agile Frenchman coming gaily into the room, content with himself, content with all the world, and charmed at first with the sea-blue depth of the eyes that lightened upon him under the shadow of the Canning brow; but presently beginning to understand the thin, tight, merciless lips of his host, and then finding himself cowed and pressed down by the majesty and the graciousness of the welcome.'

We have no space to describe the campaign on the Danube, because we are anxious to deal with the remarkable account of the cause which led to the expedition to the Crimea. The Duke of Newcastle, the Times, and the people of England, are made to bear the blame of insisting upon an expedition after the objects of the war had been accomplished, namely, the evacuation of the Principalities—that is, the objects of the war as far as Austria is concerned. There is a masterly description of the Times newspaper and its constitution. To our great surprise it has irritated the great journal. The Duke of Newcastle has full justice done to him. He is stated to be a man of a sanguine, easy nature, very prone to action; he had a good clear intellect with more of strength than keenness, unwearied industry, and an astonishing facility of writing.' The first part we believe to be no more than the truth, but the unwearied industry and the facility of writing are problematical. A man may occupy himself for hours in doing nothing. The facility of writing if it exists, is not the thing wanted in a minister of war. What is wanted is strength of will, habits of organization, and a clear knowledge of what war is. The Duke of

Newcastle had none of these things. He was an energetic, stirring man in the cabinet, and to this he owed his advancement to the dangerous post which caused his downfall. The key to his character will be found, however, in Kinglake, at page 75:

'But to spare a man from a healthy toil is not always an unmixed good. To save a free-born citizen from the trouble of thinking upon questions of State, is to take from him his share of dominion; and although it be true that he who follows printed advice is under a guidance more skilful and dexterous than any he could have got from his own untutored mind, he is less of a man, and upon the whole is less fair, less righteous, than one who in a ruder fashion continues to think for himself.'

Nobody could tell more truly, if he were so disposed, how much and how exhaustively this paragraph applies to the Duke of Newcastle, than the author of the pamphlet upon this subject by 'An Old Re

viewer.'

The cabinet of all the talents,' to satisfy the wishes of the people, expounded by the Times and decanted by the Duke of Newcastle, order the expedition to go to the Crimea. The admirals and generals are wholly without information, for the curious reason that to a high-bred gentleman it is repulsive to obtain information by spies.

On the receipt of the cabinet despatch, Lord Raglan hands it to Sir George Brown, who says that the Great Duke would not have accepted the responsibility of undertaking such an enterprise; but that as they have made up their minds at home, if you (that is Lord Raglan) decline, they will send somebody less scrupulous to do it.

These two extraordinary statements in a defence of Lord Raglannamely, that he was without information, and accepted the responsibility of that which he disapproved -may be usefully contrasted with the Great Duke's conduct at a similar conjuncture.

'The defence of Portugal was not the result of any fortuitous combination of circumstances, nor was Lord Wellington moved thereto by

any hasty ambition to magnify his own reputation, but calmly and deliberately formed his resolution after a laborious and cautious estimate of the chances of success.

The spirit of faction was, however, not confined to one side; there was a ministerial person who, in his dread of opposition, wrote to Lord Wellington complaining of his inaction, and calling upon him to do something that would excite a sensation-anything provided blood was spilt. A calm but severe rebuke, and the cessation of all friendly intercourse with the writer, discovered the general's horror of this detestable policy."*

Lord Raglan accepted the task, but assigned the responsibility to the British Government; a responsibility which, we need hardly add, was accepted by the Duke of Newcastle.

Under such circumstances, no wonder the Queen should write that Lord Raglan's consent had filled her with mixed feelings of satisfaction and anxiety, and caused her to pray to the Almighty to protect her army and fleet, and bless this undertaking with success.'

The French scientific staff were naturally averse to the undertaking. Marshal St. Arnaud became ill, but trusted to Lord Raglan, and the expedition sailed.

We now come to the military chronicle, and again we should like to appeal to Napier. The battle of the Alma takes 300 pages. It was not an important battle, except as the first European battle after forty years' peace, and the only one ever seen by Mr. Kinglake. The battle of Vittoria, in Napier, takes up only 14 pages.

The chief fault, however, is not so much the length as the want of perception of what is due to our allies and what the public will think of Lord Raglan in his first campaign, and of which, according to Kinglake, he had the chief command and responsibility. It appears he did not like plans in general any more than obtaining information, for-He was so sure of his troops

and so conscious of his own power to act swiftly when the occasion might come, that though he was within half a day's march of the enemy's assembled forces, he did not like to ruffle his mind with projects -with projects for the attack of a position not hitherto reconnoitred.' Nor did he trust Marshal St. Arnaud in particular; for in the previous page,- Whether in any even small degree the English general had been brought to share the opinion entertained of Marshal St. Arnaud in the French capital and in the French army, the world will never know. Of a certainty Lord Raglan dealt as though he held it to be a clear gain to be able to avoid intrusting the marshal with a knowledge of what our army would be likely to undertake.' We can hardly believe Mr. Kinglake could have weighed the meaning of the words when he wrote them.

If St. Arnaud was not to be trusted with a plan, it is to be supposed that Lord Raglan suspected him of leading his army into a trap. If Lord Raglan had no plan, how should he be afraid of trusting that which he had not to the marshal? There is no excuse whatever for these ideas. They were not communicated to Mr. Kinglake from any trustworthy source, and exist only in his own imagination.

We now come to the action itself. We are not ourselves either combatant or military. We never can understand the description of an action, and cannot therefore take upon ourselves to blame or praise in the present case. Many portions of the account are in accordance with the descriptions we have received from well-authenticated sources, and from intimate friends. Other portions differ. We may, however, point out two peculiarities. The first is, that the generals who had seen fighting before, and had commanded large bodies of men in the field appear to have avoided the error into which their comrades fell, and the plans with which the French condescended to ruffle their minds, appear to have succeeded

perfectly. The battle, according to Mr. Kinglake, was however won by Lord Raglan himself.

Prompted by feelings which are inherent to man the 'hunter' riding on a horse, the hunter'-in the middle of the battle-Lord Raglan is described as having ridden with his staff through the Russian army up a hill, in rear of the whole Russian line. As Venus in a cloud snatched Paris from the fight, we presume Mars in person descended and prompted this wonderful advance. From this hill being in rear of the Russians, he naturally enjoyed a good view of their position. It was in fact very much as if the Duke of Wellington, at three o'clock in the day at Waterloo, had ridden to Planchenoit to see what the French were about. Rapidly ordering Adam's brigade to follow him, and afterwards artillery to be brought up, the day was his own. This wonderful escapade was either accident or not. If it were accident it was a happy one; but if not, Lord Raglan's defender ought to point out what the merit of it was. To us, who were not there, it appears to have had the Napoleonic effect of cutting the Russian army in two; of preventing one wing from supporting the other; of seizing their weak point and holding it. This is military genius, and deserves some better description than details of Shadrach's pulling, or picturesque accounts of plumed riders. We have merely mentioned these few circumstances in the military chronicle as leading us to our general conclusions.

Mr. Kinglake undertook this work with special advantages granted him by Lady Raglan either on condition of defending Lord Raglan, or at all events with the knowledge that she expected that with his talents and opinions all that was possible would be done. Sir Francis Head directly accuses him of having received the official and private papers as a brief, to which he was bound to speak and adhere. The Old Reviewer' assures us that Lady Raglan is satisfied with his performance of the task. For ourselves, we hope in the next volumes to see the duty imposed on the author performed with some

regard to the jury before whom he pleads.

In speaking of the French army and sovereign, while Mr. Kinglake was in possession of and using official documents, he was bound to speak in a tone which should enable his work to be translated and read in France, and fairly compared with the military works published in that country. The work contains matter which politically would not be admitted; and the aspersions of the military are such that no French officer would sully his pen by attempting to refute them.

In the next volumes, which are to treat of the charge at Balaclava and the soldiers' fight at Inkerman, let us hope that the subject itself will be sufficient to calm the excited temper of Mr. Kinglake.

There is only one other little matter on which, with great diffidence, we venture on a little advice. The late Dr. Keate did think, and most boys at Eton do think, that the whole world is made for no other purpose than to feed, clothe, teach, and celebrate the thing called an English gentleman. With the exception of Dr. Keate, the generality even of English gentlemen after leaving the sacred precincts of Eton, come to the conclusion that there is a world in which men and women move with some credit to themselves and even distinction, outside the charmed circle.

Accomplished French soldiers, German authors, even Yankee sailors, have done something in the world. Not exactly as English gentlemen do it, but still the something is done.

Mr. Kinglake himself, when he wrote Eöthen, strayed a little from the common-sense opinion, and in the present work has left it altogether.

Before the next volumes appear, we entreat him, as he values our praise and his own reputation, to throw away his Peerages and read as much as he can of Napier or Julius Cæsar to be found in all libraries.

These works, we think, will be found to be a wholesome régime for him while he is undergoing the process of absorbing truth' previous to 'standing up and declaring it.'

leisure for such things, and especially since the campaign in the Crimea, where the value of the Arab as a cavalry horse was SO abundantly proved, the Government has given a good deal of attention to horse-breeding and horse-flesh generally, in Algeria. It has established haras or breeding studs in several parts of the colony; and a considerable number of francs is spent annually in buying up animals of good points and pedigree for sires. Besides this, races, under the patronage of, and for prizes offered by, the Government, are frequently got up throughout the three provinces. One of the first things that catches the eye of the traveller, as he enters any of the more important towns, is a large poster relating to certain courses' which either have taken place or are to take place somewhere in the neighbourhood, under the direction of the 'commandant supérieur,' or some other distinguished official; and it was through one of these affiches that we first got the information, subsequently confirmed by the scarcity of beds, that it was 'race week' in Constantina. My companion was a French tourist-a rare bird in Algeria, though common enough on the Rhine. Our acquaintance had sprung up in Marseilles harbour, and gathered strength from the discovery that there was a community of no-purpose between us-that we alone of all on board had no particular object except the indulgence of vagabondism in going to Algeria. It languished a little in the Gulf of Lyons; for rolling seas divide people on board the same ship as effectually as if they rolled between continents; and there are moments when even a Boswell would not give a farthing for the sentiments of his Revered Friend on any subject whatever, and probably would rather not see him at dinner.

But

on smoother waters and under the ripening southern sun it rallied, and bore fruit in the form of a travelling league, which was to continue in force till the end of our stay at Con

stantina. There are, it would seem, certain things inseparable from horse-racing, let the country, climate, or circumstances be what they may. Mr. Oliphant found a Derby Day at Lucknow very like one at Epsom, as far as the road was concerned; and here at Constantina we found that coolness of reception which every one must have experienced who has had the misfortune of paying a visit to Doncaster or Chester during race time. As our vehicle rumbled up the marketplace in the grey of the morning, the waiters, it is true, sauntered out from the hotels in the neighbourhood; but it was from force of habit, or because they had nothing else to do at that early hour, not with an eye to business. They were full, they said; and they took that contented and philosophic view of the wants of their fellow-creatures which repletion always produces. We wanted board and lodging, sleep and refreshment; and they wished we might get them. That was about all they were prepared to do for us. And yet on this very spot, about a year before (only it was not then race week), I had been fought over as though I were the body of Patroclus, by rival hotel retainers. On that occasion victory remained with the representative of the Hôtel des Colonies, in consequence of a statement made by him that the Hôtel de l'Orient was haunted by a breed of bug which especially affected houses of Moorish architecture; a fact in natural history which I now mentioned to my companion as worth insertion in any notes he might be taking in his quality of inquiring tourist. The allusion was well-timed, for, being overheard, it elicited the remark that apparently monsieur had been here before. But yes, certainly, monsieur had been here not quite a year before. This altered the complexion of affairs immediately. From being a mere casual, I became a customer-' a gent as used the house,' as our Saxon tongue, with noble simplicity phrases it; and my friend shone in a reflected light as a cus