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66 to leave all pretend that I do not understand the force "and tendency of this allusion.

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answered, that they are these out of the question; for, that the The. constitution takes care, that no wrong shall" House shewed, by the general laugh arise from them, the king always having "which followed, that it was generally "responsible" ministers; but, here, we see, "understood. That allusion, Sir, has been that these fine theories are cast aside, and grounded not on any fact that has been the House is desired to look at the age and proved, but on mere rumours, the truth of infirmities of the king. What would the "which those most interested and most people say, if you were to tell them, that "desirous to discover the truth, have never they were under the rule of age and infir- yet been able to ascertain. He has mities? What would be the sentence upon "thrown out these insinuations, either to any one of us writers, if we were to tell the "influence my conduct or to attach some people, that their affairs were left to be "blame upon myself. If the motive be directed by age and infirmities? We deny "to influence my conduct, and that, too, this. We say, that the constitution gives "by the allusion to transactions which us a security against the effects of age and "took place before those to whom I am infirmity in the king; but, Mr. Canning, "indebted for my existence, were born, one of the king's servants, bids the House of "I beg leave to ask the House in what Commons look at the age and infirmities "view my conduct ought to be influenced of the king, when they are about to pass "by transactions, in which I thus had, and a resolution relative to one of his own fa- "could have, no concern? If the object mily; and, what is to be remarked is, "be to attach blame to me, I will only say, thai the measure he recommends, he does "that we are told, that the Almighty visits recommend upon the ground of its being "the sins of the fathers upon their children calculated to please the king; that is to "to the third and fourth generation, but say, to please a person, whoin he describes "that I did not expect, that even that to be labouring under age and infirmities." right hon. gentleman would have arro-Towards the close of his speech, Mr. gated to himself such a power. I will Canning is reported to have alluded to "leave it to the House to judge, not only some anecdote relative to an ancestor of " of the fairness, the candour, the liberality, Lord Folkestone. The speech appears to "of the right hon. gent. but even of the have been much abridged; but the words," decency of-[Here the Speaker interfered, as I find them, are these: "In the whole "history of Addresses, such a one as this "had never been framed by the heart of "man, nor had the like ever before been presented to the House. It said no "more nor less than this, We believe "him to be guilty, but if he should hap

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pen to be innocent, we will still pu"nish him as if guilty.' He hoped, how"ever, such an Address of negatives would "not be permitted to stand on the Jour"nals of the House. The hon. gentleman "who brought forward the charges had "devised one of his own; but he had suf"fered others to interfere; and to inoculate "or vaccinate it with matter of their producing; which had warped it from its "natural purpose, and made it differ from "itself. Some of those who had thus interfered, might have derived their presump"tion and pertinacity by an inheritance of "the splendid vices of one of the mistresses of George II."- -Upon this part of the speech, Lord Folkestone said: "On the "subject, Sir, of the insinuation which the right hon. gent. has made, respecting "transactions that took place before those "from whom I derive my existence were "born, it would be affectation in me to

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by stating, with great mildness, that he would put to the noble lord the propriety of desisting from the course of explanation he was pursuing, as it certainly had for its object direct personality against the right hon. gent. Much tumult ensucd, and the Speaker expressed his hope that the House would interpose in such a manner as to express its opinion.]-Lord Folkestone resumed. "Sir, I will merely "add, that I will put it to the judgment " and moderation of this House to decide

upon the fairness; the candour; the "liberality; the decency; and the jus"tice, of the personal allusions made by "the right hon. gentleman."Thus this matter dropped for that time, and somebody, I forget who, complimented Mr. Canning upon the temper, which he had discovered in the debate. His speech, it was observed, had, in itself, nothing very rich or rare, but the temper, with which it was delivered, was admirable.—On the 17th, however, the HONOURABLE MR. LYTTLETON revived this topic. "He ad"verted to some expressions which had "fallen from the Secretary for foreign af"fairs the other evening respecting the origin of certain gentlemen in that House.

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"The right hon. gent. had assailed them "through the medium of old and obscure "anecdotes respecting their ancestors. Mr. "Lyttleton beseeched the right hon. gent. "not to attack them by a species of war"fare, in which they met him ON SUCH "UNEQUAL TERMS (loud laughter), considering the PECULIAR SPLEN"DOR of his own ancestry (a roar of laugh"ter). He was really forced to guard "himself against the attacks of the right "hon. Secretary in this way, as, from "what he said on a former night, he knew "of what he was capable.". -What could Mr. Lyttleton mean? I cannot say, that Mr. Canning is any favourite of mine; but, really as to his birth, I must say, that, from what I have always heard, he is descended from persons, who filled very exalted stations, and who acted their several parts as well as most people. But, if, instead of being so descended, he had been the spurious offspring of some filthy blackguard amour, what would that tell against him; especially in the liberal minds of the House of Commons, who had appeared to think, that Samuel Carter's being a natural child was a circumstance that told greatly in favour of his promotion to the army from behind the chair of Mrs. Clarke, who, by so many of the members, has been called an" infamous woman?" I wish, therefore, that Mr. Lyttleton had explained himself a little more fully; or else the reporters have not done their duty; for, what was that "roar of laughter" for? What was the meaning of it? And, I must say, that Mr. Canning's remarks of the propensity of the world to carp at high rank had but too much force in it. Kings and Dukes and Queens and Princesses, so many of whom, he has, from his very infancy, been accustomed to see and to know, must be more justly esti mated by him than by the low and vulgar herd. Hence, too, we may easily account for the uncommon zeal, which he has discovered in the cause of Spain, or, rather of Ferdinand VII. It is quite delightful to hear his sentiments against the usurpation of the upstarts, who have been endeavouring to enslave "the universal Spanish nation;" the ardent, I had almost said, the holy zeal, which he has displayed against the men of yesterday, who wished to overturn every thing ancient and noble. appears to have been very properly impressed with the truth of the French proverb, "Il vaut mieux qu' une cité périsse, "qu' un gueux parvenu la gouverne;' which, indeed, contains little more than our own old saying: "Set a beggar on

He

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"horse-back, and he 'll ride to the devil." He seems to have made just observation upon the cause as well as consequences of the ruling by upstarts, for which, indeed, the fate of Spain, under Godoy, has furnished him with an excellent opportunity; no wonder, therefore, that we are called upon to "spend our last shilling and shed the last drop of our blood," in order to keep out the upstart Buonapartés and their upstart generals, who were born nobody knows where, when, or of whom; those "children of many fathers;" those "spu"rious pledges, of beggars, littering under hedges;" creatures actually dropped, and left, like the young of the cuckoo, to be nurtured by the compassion of others. There are few things that sting the soul more sharply than to be obliged to submit to the insolent sway of these " gueux par" venus ;" and, there are few sacrifices that men of any spirit will not make to avoid, or get rid of, such degrading submission.

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Mr. LYTTLETON's speech, except in the want of explicitness upon the above point, was very good indeed.. He expressed his conviction, "that these charges against "the Duke of York were fully proved, if "not according to the technical forms of "the law, at least according to the plain "sense of every unprejudiced man. " evidence, upon the whole, he considered as conclusive; and in opposition to that "there was nothing on the other side but "surmises and hypotheses, and the assertion "of his Royal Highness. He could not but "feel the weight of the testimony of his Igallant friend behind him (General Fer

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guson), with respect to the improve"ments in the management of the army, "effected by his royal highness the Duke " of York; but he must observe, at the

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same time, that mere evidence to character "could only be urged with effect in miti'gation of punishment. He could not erase "from his recollection the methods taken by the other side to counteract these ac"cusations, in raising the cry of Jacobinism, "and in prejudging the question. This "was suspicious; but it was not very ju

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dicious, and he doubted whether if that "eloquent magician (Mr. Pitt) who first "raised the Phantom of Jacobinism, could

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taken itself to thinking; it has become a fashion, among the people, to be no longer amused by sounds; things, ideas, and not words, are now the object of their attention. Within these ten years, there has been a mental revolution in this country. I should like to see what Pitt would be able to do, with all his talk, now. Indeed, he tried the thing in the last years of his life, and he failed. Death snatched him from as complete discomfiture and mortification as ever man experienced. His budget had been all tried, over and over. There was not a trick left, that the people had not blown upon.

"that those were influenced merely by "popular opinion who did not concur "with them. It would have had a better appearance if the ministers had not been quite so unanimous on this question. Our "ancestors had a salutary distrust of persons in office; and in order to prove this, he read some resolutions passed "in former times, to render members of parliament incapable, while acting in "that capacity, of holding any other situ"ation.-If it were in the power of the "House to send down to posterity the cha"racter of the Duke of York unsullied, if "their proceedings did not extend beyond "their Journals, he should be almost in- In this debate of the 17th, there is a "clined to concur in the vote of acquittal, published speech attributed to a MR. FULeven in opposition to his sense of duty. LER, who is reported to have said, that if "But though the House should acquit his there was any one "who did not like EngRoyal Highness, the proofs would still re- "land, damn him, let him leave it." The "main, and the public opinion would be mind of the person, who uttered, or who guided by them, and not by the decision wrote, these words, appears not to have "of the House. It was in the power partaken in the revolution above spoken "of the House to save its own character, of. It seems to have remained stationary, but not that of the Commander in Chief. like the sterile and unseeded clod, amidst "The character of the House depended the improvements, the beauties, and the "essentially upon the result of this in- delights of heaven-bestowed vegetation. "quiry. If it was contrary to what the He, though his body has increased in age, public conceived the justice of the case, and has advanced towards the hour of they would be apt to lose all confidence dissolution, seems to be, in mind, still liv"in the members, they would imagine ing in the days of Pitt, in the days when that the ministers had it in their power anti-jacobinism was a thriving trade, and "to carry every thing-that there was no he one of its best customers.Aye, this security for them in the house of com- was the old cry: "if you do not like "mons against the arbitrary disposition of "the country, leave it. But, the words "the servants of the crown-and perhaps must be explained: by the country they they might be driven by other means to mean the government, and by the govern"seek those ends of justice which their ment they mean the ministry, and, in Pitt's representatives had denied them. He, time, by the ministry, they meant Pitt ; "however, hoped better of the virtue and so that the sentiment should stand thus, "wisdom of the House, which he hoped fairly reduced to its true meaning, " If you "would, like the fountain of justice, prove "do not like the ministry, quit the country." "itself to be no respecter of persons.' No, Mr. Fuller, I will not leave the counThis speech was received with great ap-try, I will not leave England, upon any plause, which I look upon as a good sign. such principle as this. I like England Aye, the magician, Pitt, would surely fail very well; and, to say the least, I shew now, in any attempt to conjure up the full as much love for it as you do. But I phantom of jacobinism. That man of do not like corruption; I do not like to see words would now find that the public the offices under the government, and the mind is no longer so to be led. That the seats in the House of Commons, openly people of this country are no longer to be advertised for purchase and sale. The made believe, that every man is a traitor, corruptions, "damn them," to borrow a who suspects that there is corruption on phrase of your own; the corruptors and foot; that every man ought to die on a the corrupted, "damn them," I hate them gallows, who does not cheerfully subscribe most cordially! But, I do not hate Engto the infallibility of the minister of the land; on the contrary, it is my love of day. There is no want of the talents of England that makes me hate them. Why, Pitt; they are possessed by many of his Sir, what would you think of the logic of followers, who can speak as long and full as a gang of thieves, who should have got well as he; but, there are wanted the ma-possession of a man's house, and who, terials to work upon. The nation has be- upon hearing him complain of their con

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duct, were to say, If you don't like the by some, and to be denied by none.house, "damn" you, leave it? Now, mind, It is not impertinent, or unnecessary, to I do not compare you, and those whom ask, why the people should have set up you support, to a gang of thieves; mind this clamour, if clamour it must be? What that; let me not be misunderstood; but, should have produced this unanimity of I use the illustration merely to shew to voice and of wish in the nation? For what what length this abusive argument, which reason a whole people should have thus the news-papers, with one accord, have combined against one man? Well, supattributed to you, would naturally, and posing there to have been no reason at all; necessarily go.If, indeed, you could supposing this whole nation to have been, bring me a man, who should say: "I do and still to be, in this respect, under the "not like England," without any qualifi- influence of senseless caprice; still it cation of his meaning, I should then say, must be, that this dislike to the Duke has without the "damn him," perhaps, (though arisen out of the Inquiry, or that it existI will not be very positive about that), ed before if the former, it shews what "let him leave it." But, my opinion is, effect the evidence has produced upon the that you never heard an Englishman make minds of the people; if the latter, that use of this expression; and, give me leave they never had any confidence in him. to say, that the occasion, and the context, This dislike, too, might have no other of this sentiment of yours, as published in foundation than senseless caprice; but, the papers, lead me to conclude, that by yet, if you allow it to have generally exEngland, you did not mean our country, isted, it comes, at last, to the same thing, as being the object of any one's dislike. with regard to the application of Mr. Ful---I have noticed this speech, not on ac- ler's argument, which would go to the count of its intrinsic importance, but as bidding of them all, "damn them," to affording an occasion of pointing out the leave the country.Lord William Rusintolerance, the injustice, and the insolence sel, in the debate of the 17th, regretted of the principle (first broached in the days the loss of that laudable custom of our of Pitt), that all those, who are discontent- forefathers, who, before they voted money ed with the mode of managing public af- to the king, insisted upon a redress of griev fairs, may leave the country; have the pre- ances; but, upon the principle of Mr. cious liberty, the glorious privilege, of Fuiler's speech, the king should have said seeking redress in voluntary transportation to them, "if you don't like England, for life. I wonder what Hampden and his damn you, leave it." It is not long associates would have said, if the besotted since another speech, published under the Charles's courtiers had answered their name of this Mr. Fuller, told us, "that complaints by telling them that they" the Chancellor of the Exchequer had might leave the country. Why, they" proved, that the Duke of York had, during would have said what was said to his bigot "the space of two years and a half, spent and profligate of a son. "No: England “ sixteen thousand pounds upon a profligate "is ours and not yours: leave you Eng"land to us." They were not so to be answered. They knew their rights, and had the courage to assert them.- -This doctrine ascribed to Mr. Fuller, would, if generally applied, save a great deal of trouble to ministers; it would furnish a standing answer to all petitions, all remonstrances, all complaints of grievances of every sort. “Oh, you don't like Eng-before the public. There are, in my opi"land, don't you,' why then, damn "you, leave it." It would be a complete stifler; a choaker equal to a halter at least.- -It appears to have been, through the whole of the debates, admitted, that the people of this country in general, if not quite without exception, thought the continuance of the Duke of York in the office of Commander-in-Chief of the army, a grievance. This, called by one side, popular clamour, appears to have been urged

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baggage, and if that would not satisfy "the House and the people, he did not "know what would." If this did not satisfy them, "damn them," they might leave the country, I suppose ?—Mr. Fuller's language, openly used at least, has something singular in it; but, I, by no means, believe, that he is singular in his opinions, or in his language, as used not

nion, many who think what he says, and who, to one another, give utterance to their thoughts. But, I trust, the time is now come, when no one will be able to act with impunity upon such a principle; when no one will dare to spurn the people, when they make their complaints of grievances, and to tell them, either in acts or words, that, “damn them," they may leave the country.

In the debate of the 17th, there came

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of by Mr. Whitbread, there can very little good arise from any inquiry; any partial detection, exposure, or even punishment of corruptions and peculations; that you may cut down a shoot here and there, and even the whole stem; but, that it will throw out again, and even with renovated vigour; and that nothing worth prizing is done, until you have laid the axe to the root.In answer to what Mr. Whitbread said about the Military Club, the Secretary at War, SIR JAMES PULTENEY, said "that

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"few words respecting the meeting of "General Officers to which the honour"able gentleman had alluded. There "was some foundation for the statement "of the honourable gentleman, but it was only this, that there existed in this town "a club of Military Gentlemen, of which "he was an unworthy Member. That club "had lately met; and, at the meeting, some "conversation had arisen, respecting the "conduct of the Duke of York, as Com"mander in Chief. That conversation "turned upon the services rendered by his "Royal Highness to the Army; and the "Members of the Club thought them"selves bound in gratitude to testify to his "Royal Highness the high sense they en"tertained of the eminent advantages "which the army had derived from his "able administration of the military affairs "of the country. These sentiments they "had resolved to express to his Royal

out, through Mr. Whitbread, a statement relative to a certain MILITARY CLUB, who were preparing an Address to the Duke of York. This being a matter of great importance to the public, as a practical illustration of the arguments that have been frequently used relative to the influence of so large a standing army, all the officers of which are not only appointed solely by the king, but any one of whom can, at any moment, and without cause assigned, be dismissed, deprived of his profession, and, perhaps, of his bread," he thought himself called upon to say a by the sole will of the king, no minister whatever being held, even nominally, responsible for any act of this sort; this instance of the military club affording such practical illustration, I shall insert, in the fullest manner that I find it reported, what was said upon the subject in the House of Commons.- MR. WHITBREAD said, "There was a very strange circum"stance had come to his ears, with which "he felt it incumbent on him to acquaint "the house, and that was, that within "these few days a meeting had taken place "of General Officers, at which meeting it was proposed to address the Duke of York, on "the present occasion, and to assure his Royal Highness of their gratitude and "attachment. To what could the proceedings of such a meeting lead. If a "number of General Officers were allow"ed thus to hold meetings and deliberate, why might not common soldiers imitate "their proceedings, and sit in deliberation "also? Was this a circumstance to be "overlooked by the House? Was it not "one of the most dangerous tendency? "Was it not an attempt to erect an impe"rium in imperio, to interfere in the deli"berative proceedings of that House, and "to answer its arguments by fixed bayonets ? "He trusted it would be sufficient thus to "have warned the House of the existence "of such a meeting. The hon. gentle"man concluded by observing, that what "had transpired in the course of the pre"sent investigation into the conduct of "the Duke of York, furnished a new proof, "if any additional proof were wanting, of "the necessity of a temperate reform, a "reform which would extend not only to the "administration of the army, but to the Go"vernment in Church and State."-This last observation we must reserve for a future opportunity, with just observing now, that to this many men who never thought much of the matter before, have now made up their minds. They see, that without such a reform as was here spoken

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Highness in the form of an Address, but "their proceedings in this respect, hud "no reference whatsoever to the circumstances of the present moment, or to what was now

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passing in that House."No! "No re"ference whatsoever to the circumstances "of the present moment?" This is very strange indeed; still stranger than the existence of an intention to send the address. Did the Club ever address him before? Did they ever think of this upon any former occasion? Oh! So the Club had lately happened to meet; and some conversation had arisen respecting the conduct of the Duke of York, as Commander in Chief of the Army. Yes, to be sure, all about soldiering, as the Volunteers call it; all about soldiering, and then the conversation, amongst these military men constituting a Club in London, turned, aye, it happened to turn, upon the services rendered by his Royal Highness to the army. That is all very good; very good, very "correct," as the new phrase is. But, I cannot help stopping here; "I cannot help interrupting my argument," as Lord Castlereagh some

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