representative, who signed the Requisition and brought forward the Resolutions, as the steady friend of Reform and enemy of Corruption, and for his patriotic and disin muel Smith, esq. Members residing in this county, and to sir S. Romilly, gen. Ferguson, adm. Markham, J. C. Curwen, esq. lord visc. Althorpe, C. W. Wynne, T. W. Coke, esq. and the rest of the 125 Mem-terested conduct on all occasions in supbers who divided in favour of Mr. Wardle's port of the independence of this County, motion for an Address to his Majesty. and the general rights and liberties of the people. That the Thanks of this Meeting be also given to Nicholson Calvert, esq. Daniel Giles, esq. and to the honourable William Lamb, Members, residing in this county, and to all those other Members of the House of Commons who composed the numerous respectable, and eventually successful, Minorities. Resolved unanimously, That the increasing influence of the Crown is an evil progressively undermining the constitutional rights of the people, and that the rate prodigious and rapid increase of our national debt, with that of our military and colonial establishment, have created an influence, the force of which, acting upon a great body of Electors, has driven the liberties of this country from the firm basis of popular representation, to a dependance upon the moderation and forbearance of the Crown. OFFICIAL PAPERS. SPANISH REVOLUTION.-Decree of the Supreme Junta, dated Feb. 7, 1809, (conc!uded from p. 576.) -that acts of the most atrocious kind, and which make human nature shudder, are daily heard of, such as the death of a nun, who threw herself into a well, to avoid the brutality of a Frenchman; the cruel murder of a mother, whose breasts were cut off in the act of giving suck to her son, by those monsters, who afterwards sabred her infant; and a number of other cases equally horrible; atrocities painful to write, dreadful to read, and degrading to endure; finally, his Majesty being convinced, that still to observe the laws of natural equity with those who respect no law whatever, would not be moderation and justice, but the most culpable indifference and the basest meanness, has resolved to repress and punish those crimes. Calling therefore all'Europe to witness the awful necessity which has compeiled him to resort to the means of retaliation, by returning on a sanguinary banditti violence for violence, he hereby decrees: Resolved unanimously, That, although it is the duty of the great Officers of the Crown to bring to light delinquency and abuses in office, yet we have seen with extreme regret the Members of Administration exerting their influence to screen delinquency, and prevent the discovery of mal-practices in several recent instances, and while we earnestly deprecate all unconstitutional attempts at reformation out 1. That no quarter shall be given to of the House of Commons, we think it ne- any French soldier, Officer or General, cessary to express our earnest hope that who may be made prisoner in any town or the independent and patriotic Members of district, in which acts contrary to the laws that honourable House will exert them-of war have been committed by the enemy, selves in obtaining that Reform, as also in but that such persons shall be immediately discovering and prosecuting all corrupt put to the sword, as an example to their abuses in every department of the State, companions and a satisfaction to outraged and in applying such constitutional checks humanity. as may secure the people against a recurrence of the same. Resolved unanimously, That this Meeting has perceived with regret that the Majorities of the House of Commons upon this and some other recent occasions, have differed essentially from the sense of the people, thereby affording them a convincing proof that a Reform in the Representation of the People is indispensibly ne 2. That the present Decree shall be printed, proclaimed, and distributed in the Spanish armies, in order to its due execution. You are also required to make arrangements for the fulfilment of the same. -The Marquis of ASTORGA, Vice President.-MARTIN DE GARAY. Done in the Royal Al-cazan of Seville, Feb. 7, 1809. cessary to the expression of the public TURKEY.-Treaty between Great Britain and sentiments. Resolved unanimously, That the Thanks. of this Meeting be given to William Piumer, esq. our late worthy and independent the Sublime Porte. 1. From the moment of the signature of the present Treaty all acts of hostility shall cease, between England and Turkey, | King of Great Britain shall fully enjoy the and the prisoners on both sides, in conse- honours enjoyed by other nations at the quence of this happy peace, shall be at Sublime Porte; and reciprocally the Amliberty in thirty-one days after the signa-bassadors of the Sublime Porte to the ture of this Treaty, or sooner if possible. Court of London shall fully enjoy all the honours which shall be granted to the Ambassadors of Great Britain. 2. If there should be any places belonging to the Sublime Porte, in possession of Great Britain, they are to be restored, and given up to the Sublime Porte, with all their cannon, ammunition, and other effects, in the same condition in which they were found when occupied by the English; and this restitution must take place within thirty-one days after the signature of the present Treaty. 3. If there shall be effects or property appertaining to English merchants, or sequestrated under the jurisdiction of the Sublime Porte, that shall be all returned and restored to the proprietors-and in like manner, if there shall be effects, property, or vessels, appertaining to the merchants and subjects of the Sublime Porte, under sequestration at Malta, or in the other Isles and States of his Britannic Majesty, they shall in like manner be entirely returned and restored to the proprietors. 4. The articles of the Treaty stipulated in the Turkish year 1086, in the moon Djemaz ul Akber, as also the article relative to the commerce of the Black Sea, and the other privileges (midjiazals) equally established by the acts of subsequent periods, shall be observed and maintained as heretofore, and as if they had not suffered any interruption. 8. It shall be permitted to name Schabinders (Consuls) at Malta, and in the States of his Britannic Majesty, wherever it may be necessary to inspect the affairs and interests of the Turkish merchants, and the same treatment and privileges which are allowed to English Consuls residing in the Ottoman States, shall be rigidly observed towards the Schabinders of the Sublime Porte. 9. The English Consuls and Ambassadors shall, according to custom, employ such drogmans as they may have occasion for; but as it has been before decreed by common consent, the Sublime Porte will not grant the berat of drogman in favour of individuals who do not exercise that function in the place of their des tination. It is agreed, conformably to this principle, that henceforward the berat shall not be granted to any person of the rank of tradesman or banker, nor to any one who shall keep a shop or manufactory in the public market, or who shall be concerned in affairs of this kind; and he shall not be appointed by the English Consuls from among the subjects of the Sublime Porte. be delivered to them any passport from the Ambassadors or Consuls, without the permission of the Sublime Porte. 10. The English patent of protection 5. In consequence of the good treat- shall not be granted to any person from ment and favour granted by the Sublime among the dependents or merchants, subPorte to the English merchants with res-jects of the Sublime Porte, nor shall there pect to their merchandize and property, and every thing of which they may stand in need-and, in like manner, with regard to all objects tending to facilitate 11. As it has been at all times forbidthe commerce, England shall reciprocally den for ships of war to enter the canals of grant entire favour and an amicable treat- Constantinople, viz. in the Strait of the ment to the flags, subjects, and mer- Dardanelles, or that of the Black Sea, and chants of the Sublime Porte-who shali as that antient rule of the Ottoman Emhereafter frequent the States of his Bri-pire must be henceforward observed in tannic Majesty. time of peace by all Powers whatever, the British Court promise to conform to this principle. 6. The tariff of the customs, which was latterly fixed at Constantinople, at the old rate of three per cent. and especially the article which respects internal commerce, shall be constantly observed as they have been regulated. To this England pro mises to conform. 7. The Ambassador of his Majesty the 12. The Ratification of this present Treaty of Peace, between the High Contract.ng Powers, shall be exchanged at Constantinople in the space of ninety-one days from the date of the present Treaty, or sooner if possible. LONDON:-Printed by T. C. HANSARD, Peterborough - Court, Fleet Street; Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent - Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mall. VOL. XV. No. 21.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1809. [Price 18. "A MODERATE and temperate Reform in the Abuses of the Constitution is due to the people, who "being on their part just to the monarchical and aristocratical branches of the Constitution, who commit no "invasion of the rights, and seek no abridgements of the powers of either, are entitled to have their own "share in the legislation of their country, freed from the unjust usurpations of others, and to possess un"invaded, and to exercise uncontrouled by the other branches of the government, those rights which "this happy Constitution, in the matchless excellence of its principles, has solely and exclusively allotted *to the people. A Reform of such a character may lessen the means, and diminish the opportunities "of corrupting legislation, both in its source and in its progress; it may reduce the influence by which "unconstitutional ministers preserve their power, but it will save the nation from their profusion, and "perpetuate that Constitution which all equally profess to venerate: Such a Reform I believe cannot, "with perfect safety, be long delayed; the more readily and cheerfully those rights which belong only "to the people are restored by those who at present, in too many instances, possess and exercise them, "the more firm and established will be the present happy form of our government, the more safe from "risque and danger will be the just prerogatives of the crown, and the peculiar acknowledged hereditary. "privileges of this House."LORD LAUDERDALE'S Protest, in the House of Lords, 31 May 1792. 8011 TO THE INDEPENDENT PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE. LETTER III. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 66 -[802 "firm conviction of this Meeting, that a "Reform in the representation of the people "in the Commons House of Parliament, "is the only effectual corrective of existing abuses; and that the only seWhether the present state of the Representation«curity against future corruptions, will be consonant with the principles of that Constitution, which has so long been the boast of Englishmen ? • GENTLEMEN; it is be the restoring to the people that share of the elective franchise which the pub"lic good requires, and to which they are "entitled by the principles of the Bri I. BEFORE I proceed to the discussion" tish Constitution."It is but just to of this question, suffer me, for one mo- the County of Cornwall, as well as to the ment, to advert to an assertion, which has cause of Reform, to state, which I do been made by more than one member of upon certain information, that Lord Eliot, the House of Commons; namely, that the Lord de Dunstanville, Mr. F. Gregor, country does not wish for a Reform of Par- Mr. F. G. Glanville Mr. William Rashliament. Precisely what these gentle-leigh, Mr. Charles Rashleigh, and several men may mean, when they say "the other of those, who are well known to "country," neither you nor I can posi- have a deep interest in the numerous tively tell; but, I think, it would be ex- boroughs in that County, were present at tremely difficult for any man to devise a the Meeting, and that, notwithstanding method, by which to draw from a country, their opposition, the Resolutions were carcontaining so many people as this, any ried by a majority of fifty to on thing better intitled to the appellation of also worthy of notice, that the Resous the general wish, than that expression of a were brought forward by Mr. Colman wish for Reform, which has now been ut- Rashleigh, a near relation of two of the tered in this Kingdom. It is notorious, above named gentlemen, who are well that there is scarcely any portion of the known to have the largest share in the people, who may be deemed at liberty to management of the Cornish boroughs. It express their opinions, who have not de- is further proper to state, that Lord de cidedly declared for Reform. Even in Dunstanville and Mr. Gregor, who took an Cornwall, where, if any where, the cause active part in the debate, said, that they of Reform might reasonably be expected had no objection to a vote of thanks to Mr. to meet with few friends, a County Meet- Wardle; though it will be recollected, that ing, held at Bodmin on the 15th instant, the king's ministers, in the House of Comresolved, That the corruptions which mons, declared their resolution to oppose "have been suffered to accumulate to so a vote of thanks to that gentleman, if it "grievous an extent in this country, are to were brought forward. A similar declara"be traced to the defective state of the tion was, you will recollect, made by all "representation; that it is, therefore, the our opponents at Winchester, which it is they be, or be not, in reality, represented in the Commons' House; or, in other words, whether the members of that house be, or be not, chosen by the people. From Magna Charta down to the Act of Settlement, there runs through the whole of our laws, this leading principle; namely, that nothing shall be taken from the peo very material to bear in mind, because it shows, that even the supporters of the ministers have not, when they come to meet the people face to face, the courage to maintain the declarations of those ministers.The result of this Meeting in Cornwall is a good specimen, but it is no more than a specimen, of what has passed, and is passing, in every part of the king-ple, in taxes, without their own consent; dom, where the people have the liberty to assemble for the purposes of political discussion; and yet, there are men, who scruple not to assert, and that, too, without the smallest reservation, that "the "country" does not wish for a Parliament ary Reform! and, indeed, Magna Charta itself was nothing more than a declaration and confirmation of what was the law of the land before. That every individual is to give his consent to a tax, when the tax is demanded of him, neither is nor ever was the notion; but, that no tax is to be levied upon any man, without the consent of the people, given by their representatives, in a general assembly, always was the notion, and the settled doctrine of the kingdom of England. Indeed, it is this, and this alone, which distinguishes the government of England from that of any state subject to the will of a despot; for, take away this, and we are subject immediately to lose any part of our property that those who have the sword of authority in their hands choose to take from us. Without this, the people have no check upon the Crown, or upon the Aristocracy; and, it will be easily seen, that, without this check, the sparing of even our persons must, with any ministry, be merely a question of policy. II. Now, Gentlemen, in coming to the question before us, when we talk of the Constitution, we surely mean, that there is something; something really in existence, to which that favourite word applies? We surely have not talked and written and preached and even prayed so long about a thing, which has no existence in the world, and which is merely a creature of the imagination? Well, then, what is this Constitution? Fully to define it, in a short compass, would be impossible; because the definition is to be drawn from numerous usages and laws. But, a definition, quite sufficient for our present purpose, is this that the Constitution provides, that no man shall suffer punishment, in any way, unless he be guilty of an offence known to the laws; that no man shall be With respect to the mode of appointing held in confinement, anless upon sufficient persons to represent the people, divers recause being legally shown; that the gulations have been made, in order to indwelling, or possessions, of no man shall sure the operation of probity and of good be entered into against his consent, unless sense in this important business. With for sufficient cause legally shown; that regard to the qualifications of the reprethe property of no man shall be taken sentatives, the description, at a more refrom him, unless for just cause legally mote period, was less definite; latterly a shown; that the property of no man shall landed qualification has been settled; but, be taken from him, in the way of taxes, always, it was a principle, that members without his consent; and that, in order of parliament should be men of substantial that these rights and liberties may be pre-property, which was, of itself, a sufficient served, the people shall be represented in a Commons House of Parliament, the members of which shall be elected by the people themselves. Such is the substance of the Constitution of England; that constitution, for which we are called upon to fight and to make pecuniary sacrifices enormous, and for which we are ready to fight and make any sacrifices that can be named.-It is easy to perceive, however, that, as far as regards the safety either of the persons or the property of the people, all must finally depend upon the state of the Representation in Parliament; upon the point, whether check against any thing of too democratical a cast. On the part of the people, property was, as, in reason, it must be, the basis of the right, or duty, to choose members of parliament; and, there could be, in remote times, no distinction as to the different sorts of property, because those who were not freeholders had, in fact, no property at all, and were merely the vassals of the Barons and other great men. But, while time has completely worn away this character of vassal, and while copyholders and other owners of real property, have, as to all other purposes, become of full as much consequence as the owners of free from giving Manchester representatives instead of Gatton or Old Sarum, is just as wise as it would be to apprehend the fall of a building from the removing of a rotten pillar and putting a sound one in its stead. III. Let us now see what has been written upon this subject by that author, to whom our adversaries, in all other cases, think proper to appeal. I mean the famous Commentator on the Law of England, MR. BLACKSTONE, who, in 1768, when his work was first published, was a Professor of Law in the University of Oxford, and who, in consequence of his writing that work, was afterwards made a Judge. Let us who are accused of clamour and factiveness, and of wild notions and chimerical projects; let us, to get rid at once of all this, appeal to the book of Blackstone; and then let those, who defend the corruptions of parliament, and who abuse all those, who like these corruptions, direct their abuse towards this great legal authority. The Commons," says Blackstone, "consist of all such men 66 of any property, in the kingdom, as have "not seats in the house of lords; every "one of whom has a voice in parliament, "either personally, or by his representatives. "In a free state, every man, who is sup hold land, the right, or duty, of voting. has, with regard to the counties, been perseveringly confined to the freeholders: the name of freeholder has been kept up to the utter destruction of the constitutional principle of suffrage. And, as to the boroughs, which were called upon to send representatives, they were so caled upon, because they were, at the time, places of the greatest trade in the kingdom, when it is notorious, that, at this time, many of them have dwindled into mere villages or hamlets, some of them containing scarcely a single house. In those times Old Sarum was a considerable place, and Manchester a place of no consideration at all; and, in order to have a striking view | of the unreasonableness of still leaving to the former the choice of two members, while the latter chooses no member at all, we have only to suppose the case of calling upon Old Sarum to pay more in taxes than Manchester, because it formerly paid more in taxes. If such a demand were made, who would not exclaim against its injustice? Should we not hear it said, that the scythe of time had disabled Old Sarum from paying its ancient proportion of taxes? Well, then, shall the effect of the attacks of time furnish no argument in favour of a change in the representation, when it is found to be unanswerable in favour of a change in behalf of the places represented? To leave the choosing" power should reside in the whole body of members of parliament to old and de cayed boroughs is as contrary to reason as it would be to expect from age and decrepitude the functions of youth. ever any invasion of the rights of the people has taken place, and has called forth an appeal to our ancient laws, we have been answered by the remark, that one of the great excellencies of the constitution is, that it is constantly capable of" that the people should do that by their amendment; and is it not very strange, then, that those who have thus answered us, should, as to this point, wherein the hand of time has been so manifestly destructive, refuse, and represent as an attempt at innovation, any proposition to alter or amend? The truth is, that to leave the choosing of members to rotten boroughs and to forty shilling freeholders is the innovation; this is the innovation, and time is the innovator. The constitution makes real property the basis of representation in the counties, and trade in the towns and cities; therefore, where time has removed this basis, there is an innovation introduced; and to apprehend the destruction of the ancient fabric of the constitution When * posed a free agent, ought to be, in some "measure, his own governor; and there"fore a branch, at least, of the legislative "of the people. And this power, when "representatives, which it is impractica- by citizens and burgesses, chosen by the "mercantile part or supposed trading in"terest of the nation." After a description of the great powers of parliament; the unlimited and unchecked powers of that body, he proceeds thus : So that it is a matter most essential to "the liberties of this kingdom, that such "members be delegated to this important |