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Magoon, in his "Orators of the Revolution," says: "To think vigorously, and fearlessly to say what you think, is the only way to be effective in the use of speech. The faculty of profound and penetrating thought was a distinguishing feature in Henry's mental character, and the boldness with which he expressed his opinions at the hazard of personal convenience was equally remarkable."

Henry was steadfast in purpose and thoroughly self-possessed, yet sanguine and impetuous. Virginia ardor and Scotch common sense combined in happy proportion in his character. He was moody at times and fond of extremes profound solitude or boisterous glee, deep, silent thought or great hilarity. His pleasantry, fine flow of spirits, and natural greatness of soul were sources of wide influence and personal attachment.

Henry was the first great orator produced in America by the revolutionary spirit; one of the few in history “so quick in apprehension and so prompt in expression as really to be capable at all times of speaking extemporaneously and at the same time with the greatest possible effectiveness." He was not a product of solitary study and practice in the principles of oratory. He was rather a dreamer of oratorical form and expression, and was looked upon as the "orator of nature," who possessed a kind of supernatural inspiration. "On that account," says Wirt, "he was much more revered by the people than if he had been formed by the severest discipline of the schools; for they considered him as bringing his credentials directly from heaven, and owing no part of his greatness to human institutions." Such was his effectiveness that the best-trained lawyers found it difficult to cope with him in debate or outdo him in reflections on law and equity. He exercised great influence in the affairs and destinies of the states. In the House of Burgesses he persuaded Virginia to

join the opposition to the mother country, and helped to form the colonial and afterwards the federal Union, though opposed to some features of the Constitution. His chief glory is his part in the Revolution. He gave the first great impulse to freedom, and lived to see his principles adopted.

An English writer institutes this comparison of his oratory with that of Chatham: "There was a startling discrepancy between their births, tastes, habits, and pursuits. . . . But they met in all the grand elemental points, in fire, force, energy and intrepidity, the sagacity that works by intuition, the faculty of taking in the entire subject at a glance or lighting up a whole question by a metaphor, the fondness for Saxon words, short, uninverted Saxon sentences, downright assertions, and hazardous apostrophes, above all, in the singular tact and felicity with which their dramatic touches were brought in.”

THE CALL TO ARMS

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Taken from the speech delivered March 20, 1775, in the Virginia Convention, held in the "Old Church" at Richmond. Henry, the embodiment of the spirit of the Revolution, spoke as one inspired, and swept all opposition aside.

Mr. President, it is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men engaged in the great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who having eyes see not, and having ears hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And, judging by the past, I wish to know

what there has been in the conduct of the British Ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love?

Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation, the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purposes be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us. They can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British Ministry have been so long forging.

And what have we to oppose them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and supplication? What terms shall we find that have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could have been done to avert the storm that is now coming on. We have petitioned, we have remonstrated, we have supplicated, we have prostrated ourselves before the throne and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the Ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted, our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult, our supplications have been

disregarded, and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight ! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us.

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.

Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable, and let it come! I repeat, sir, let it come!

It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace! but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the North will bring to our ears

the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION

This speech was delivered June 5, 1788, in the Virginia Constitutional Convention, called to consider the adoption of the federal Constitution. James Madison favored its adoption. Patrick Henry led the forces of the opposition. The discussion by these and other men lasted for three weeks, when a vote was taken which resulted in the adoption of the Constitution by a small majority. The following is the main speech of Patrick Henry.

I. LIBERTY OR EMPIRE

Mr. Chairman, I wish I were possessed of talents or possessed of anything that might enable me to elucidate this great subject. I am not well versed in history, but I will submit to your recollection, whether liberty has been destroyed most often by the licentiousness of the people or by the tyranny of rulers. I imagine, sir, you will find the balance on the side of tyranny. Happy will you be if you miss the fate of those nations, who, omitting to resist their oppressors, or negligently suffering their liberty to be wrested from them, have groaned under intolerable despotism. Most of the human race are now in this deplorable condition; and those nations who have gone in search of grandeur, power, and splendor have also fallen a sacrifice, and been the victims of their own folly. While they acquired those visionary blessings they lost their freedom.

My great objection to this government is, that it does not leave us the means of defending our rights or of waging war against tyrants. It is urged by some gentlemen that this new plan will bring us an acquisition of strength- an army, and the militia of the states. This is an idea extremely ridiculous; gentlemen cannot

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