Africa and Egypt became independent, and in the 10th the Fatimid caliphs made it officially Shi'a. The prestige of the caliphs of Baghdad sank to zero. With the fleets of the great caliph of Cordova sweeping the Mediterranean, the armies of the Fatimids flowing on through Egypt to Syria, the Carmathians spreading anarchy in Arabia and even thieving the sacred Black Stone from the Kaaba of Mecca, and a schismatic prince holding Baghdad itself, what had become of the independence of the caliphate from foreign control'? where was 'the guardianship of the Holy Cities'?

The orthodox caliphate had, in fact, become a phantom, a subject for theologians and canon lawyers to debate, but no longer a matter of supreme moment. The spiritual head of Islam, if he were also the head of the most powerful Moslem State and army, was doubtless a formidable power; but a caliph who had no army, who was recognised by only a portion of the divided Moslem world and was unable to enforce his spiritual authority anywhere, was but half a caliph even in the regions which acknowledged him, and no caliph at all elsewhere.

We have briefly examined the manner in which the caliphate devolved, as seen in the light of history. We have seen that the various principles of election, nomination, and arbitration all gave way to the simple law of the strong arm, except where the schismatic, but effective, doctrine of Divine Right prevailed, as it does to this day, in various interpretations, in a notable part of the Moslem world. It remains to consider the views of orthodox (Sunni) jurists, which are, however, valid only for those who agree with them. The chief qualifications which they put forward as necessary in a rightful caliph are five in number. (1) Descent from the Kureysh. This, as we have seen, is probably an ex post facto condition; because a long series of caliphs were in fact Kurashis, therefore all must belong to that tribe. It is repudiated by many sects, but may still have value in the eyes of the Arabs. (2) Election by a conclave of Elders or Notables-a form still kept up by the 'Ulama of Constantinople, but merely as a form. Election has usually been a mere acceptance of an already settled succession, 'Omar was not elected, nor were most of

the caliphs of Damascus and Baghdad, nor, least of all, the caliphs of the Shi'a, of whom Sunni theologians take no count. (3) Nomination by a previous caliph. This condition was not fulfilled by Abu-Bekr or 'Ali or Mo'awiya or Abu-l-'Abbas, the four founders of the Righteous, the Schismatic, the Omayyad, and the 'Abbasid caliphates. When there was nomination, it was often set aside, and its necessity is not obvious. There is no conferring of Holy Orders in orthodox Islam. (4) The Guardianship of the Harameyn, or Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina. The cities have often been in other hands than the caliphs', and have even been held by Fatimid and Suleyhid schismatics. From the 10th to the 16th century they were not under the temporal authority of any caliphs. (5) Custody of certain alleged relics of the Prophet. This is a mere argumentum ad vulgus, which no serious jurist would press.

None of these conditions stands the test of history. There remains one more rule. When Moslem lawyers cannot deduce a rule from the Koran or Traditions, literally or by analogy, they rely upon ijmā', the general consensus of believers, corresponding to the Catholic canon 'quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus.' It is not the same as the dictum 'vox populi vox Dei,' for it presumes qualified theologians, as in the councils of the Church, and excludes the mere opinion of the masses. Undoubtedly it is an important principle, and as such is recognised as one of the four roots of Moslem faith; but ijma' is difficult of attainment and subject to error, just as General Councils, according to the Articles of Religion, 'may err, and sometimes have erred,' so that 'things ordained by them . . . have neither strength nor authority. Accordingly, the rule of the general consensus of Moslems has been variously interpreted by jurists. It really represents the gradual growth of the best public opinion, and holds hopes for the future of Islam; but it is exceedingly difficult in application. Supposing a caliph to be de facto caliph by consent of the whole Moslem world, his position, apart from any other qualifications, would be unassailable. History, however, shows that, since the seventh century, no such

*See Prof. D. B. Macdonald, op. cit., 57, 101, 105, 292.

general consensus has ever obtained, and no one caliph has ever been universally acknowledged. Therefore, the last rule proves as little valid as the rest; and we come back either to the view that 'might is right,' or else to the rival theory that the right is divine, conferred by God upon a privileged apostolical succession.

POSTSCRIPT.-Since this was written an article on 'The Caliphate' by the Right Hon. Ameer Ali has been published in the 'Contemporary Review' for June, which should be carefully studied by those who wish to understand the views of Indian Moslems, the great majority of whom-perhaps 80 millions-are orthodox Sunnis and pray for the caliph of the time' every Friday in the mosques. It is difficult, as the learned author says, for those unfamiliar with the history of the caliphate to form an even approximately just estimate of the real bearing of such an institution upon the sentiment of a people; but it is of the utmost importance that their feeling on the subject should be studiously respected. Time alone can show how deep it may be. Meanwhile the slightest interference is most earnestly to be deprecated. 'Solvitur ambulando' applies to this as to other problems.

Art. 11.-THE MOTOR INDUSTRY AND THE WAR. EXCEPTING a few unsuccessful experiments in the employment of steam traction engines for the slow haulage of heavy loads, and a few attempts to produce substitutes for the old stage-coaches, the records of the use of self-propelled vehicles on common roads are comprised within the last quarter of a century. If we restrict ourselves to a consideration of the industrial uses of the motor car, excluding those types that have been directly developed from the traction engine, our field is still further narrowed, and we need go back little more than ten years. In this brief period there has sprung up an enormous industry of world-wide importance, the chief manufacturing centres of which lie within the British Isles. This industry was developed purely for peaceful purposes, and its progress has been affected comparatively little by military considerations. Whereas the home of early progress in the design and manufacture of the private motor car was France, the conditions of trade, of the distribution of population, and of facilities for transport by road, acted together to encourage in Great Britain the production of motors specially intended for the haulage or carriage of goods, and for the conveyance of passengers in considerable numbers.

The genius of the British engineer expresses itself best in machinery of a substantial and durable character; and in this particular instance he has had the advantage of having the biggest and readiest market near to his door. The French motor car factories have not been similarly encouraged, by a natural demand, to develop the industrial motor. Consequently, in France and also in other European countries, progress has been more nearly related to military requirements. All the great military Powers have endeavoured in some measure to encourage the construction of vehicles suitable for transport and supply under active service conditions. The method adopted, wherever possible, has been to offer a subsidy or subvention to the purchaser and user of any machine of a type passed as suitable by the Government's experts.

In France, annual trials have been held for some time past under the auspices of the War Department. As

a result of these trials, certain types and makes of vehicle have been certificated for subsidy. The general effect has been to create a more or less artificial demand, not based on sound economic principles, for machines so designed as to be at least fairly suitable for military service. The expenditure involved by putting this scheme into force in France has been considerable. It was found necessary to offer a subsidy amounting to an aggregate of about 300l., paid in instalments over a period of four years, in respect of each vehicle earmarked for Government use. In Germany, natural and trade conditions were even more unfavourable; and the subsidy offered consequently amounted to no less than about 4501. for each vehicle, paid in instalments spread over five years. German manufacturers have depended upon these particular models, and upon their export trade, rather than on any natural increasing demand for purely commercial machines for use within their own country. Austria, with a smaller manufacturing trade, has paid a subsidy amounting to about 3601.

All these figures have of course been strongly influenced by the fact that the aggregate supply of vehicles in industrial service has invariably been less than the military demand taken alone. In Great Britain, this state of affairs has been reversed. Consequently, a subsidy scheme was not required actually to create a demand, but merely to direct it gradually into the desired channels. This was done, with moderate success, by the offer of a subsidy of about 1201. spread over three years, which sufficed to encourage a limited number of manufacturers to build the types outlined in the War Office specifications. It did not, however, suffice to induce any very large number of commercial users to employ the types selected. Consequently, at the outbreak of war, the British Government had at its immediate disposal vehicles more than ample numerically, but not calculated to form fleets by any means perfect as regards uniformity and standardisation. All the other countries concerned in the war were situated even more unfavourably, the total supply in no case being adequate. Russia in particular, possessing no manufacturing industry and an extremely bad and incomplete road system, could not count within her boundaries anything approaching the