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principles which underlie both. The Jibauk of the Kulin were probably the survival of more complete ceremonies, which, if resembling either of the others, did so more as to the Jeraeil than as to the Kuringal.

The practice of sending messengers was common to all the tribes, but the practice of the Kurnai and Kulin agreed most, even to the name applied to the messenger, and to the method of enumerating the number of camping stages to which the message might refer.

This resemblance is still further and more strongly supported by a comparison of the local organisation of the tribes, as I have now evidence to show. The imperfect remains of the classsystems of the Wolgal, Ngarego, and Coast Murring point to a derivation of their social organisation from systems of the Kamilaroi type. Indeed, that of the Wolgal preserves two of the four classes in precisely the form of name which still obtains in the neighbouring Wiraijuri tribe. Nothing in these systems throws any light upon the mere traces of the class organisation which the Kurnai have retained.

On turning to the Kulin tribes, however, the case is very different. The very names of the two primary classes suggest an explanation of the peculiar designation which is applied to many of the Kurnai men when reaching mature age. In explaining this, and in illustrating the comparisons possible, I must now note a few facts as to the Kulin, and for this I use the Woiworung tribe, which is indeed the only one as to which anything like complete data are now obtainable.

In all the tribes of the Kulin Nation which were settled in the country extending from the Upper Goulburn River southwards to the sea-coast in the Western Port District, there obtained a class system having only two main divisions with totems. Together with agnatic descent there was this peculiarity, that each local division consisted only of men of one or other of the two class-names, the wives of these men being all, of course, of the other class, and the children all of the class to which their fathers belonged. Thus it was that each local division was perpetuated by men of the same class-name. The people who spoke the Woiworung language afford an illustration. They were divided into five clans, one of which, the Urŭnjéri-Balŭk,' claimed the country lying between the Yarra and Saltwater Rivers, and it is to this clan that my 'information particularly refers. All the people of Urunjeri descent were of the Waa (Crow) class. Of the other four clans, two were likewise Waa

1 Paiara with the Kurnai, and Baiaur with the Kulin.
2 Urun white gum-tree; baluk = a number of people.

and two were Bunjil (Eaglehawk). The class system of this tribe, as I have said, has these two primary class divisions Eaglehawk and Crow. In addition to these, there is one totem, Hawk, which belongs to Bunjil, while Waa has not any totems The folklore of this tribe, however, has a more complete list of the totems of Bunjil. A legend relates that long ago, "in the beginning," the great Supreme Being, Bunjil, lived on the earth with his sons, Thara (Hawk), Yūkope (Musk Lorikeet), Jurt-jurt (Nankeen Kestrel), Dantun (Blue Mountain Lorikeet), Turnung (Brushtailed Phascogale). Bunjil being at feud with Balaiang (the Bat), sent his sons to burn all the country towards the Murray River, and in this conflagration the Bat was scorched so that he has remained bare and grinning ever since. This enterprise having been successfully accomplished, Bunjil and his sons" ascended to the sky, where they now are as stars.1 We may, I think, surmise from this legend that the "sons of Bunjil represent the totems formerly existing in that class. I have not learned any corresponding legend as to the "sons" of Waa.

Now it is to be noted that with the Kurnai the term Bunjil has no significance as "Eaglehawk," but is a name which is applied to many old men, in conjunction with some term expressing some characteristic or quality. For instance, an old man who had a deep growling voice became known as Bunjil Gworun (thunder). The crow is regarded by the Kurnai as being one of the "Muk-Kurnai," or ancestors, and they reverence it, and think that it watches over them and can answer their questions by its cawing (Nga, Yes; or Ngat-bun, No). As the Kurnai have no true totems, it is not possible to make a satisfactory comparison, but it is not perhaps without significance that one of the Woiworung "sons of Bunjil" (the Brushtailed Phascogale) is called by the Kurnai in the Nulit language, Bunjil wadtun, that is to say, "Bunjil opossum." The Hawk, which is one of Bunjil's sons, and also the sole remaining totem of that class, also appears in the Kurnai folklore as a MukKurnai, who prevented the supernatural female "duality," Būlūm-Baukan, from stealing the fire of the Kurnai.2

I have elsewhere noted the peculiar bird totems of the Kurnai

1 Among the Wotjo-balluk of the Wimmera River, in North-western Victoria, Bunjil is a sub-totem of the Gárchňka totem of the Krókitch class. It is related that long ago he was a very powerful man who ascended to the sky with his two wives, who were sisters, Gunawara (swan), of the class Gámůtch.

Two

I use this word "duality" as the only one I can think of which expresses the peculiar conception of the supernatural being "Bulum-baukan." Baukans are always spoken of, but at the same time as if inseparable, and having one son, "Bulum-tut,' common to both. Baukan is in some respects analogous to the Ngalalbal of the Murring Kuringal ceremonies, to the two wives of Bunjil, of Baiame, &c.

which divide the community into a group of males and a group of females. But these totems are not of a kind peculiar to this tribe, for I find them throughout South-eastern Australia, and they probably have a wider range. They are not true totems in the sense that these represent subdivisions of the primary classes, yet they are true totems in so far that they are regarded as being the "brothers" or "sisters" of the human beings who bear their names. I cannot now enter into a further consideration of the very interesting subject of Australian totems, which requires a separate memoir for its treatment, but must confine myself to such facts as have a bearing upon the questions with which I am at present concerned.

The bird totems of the Kurnai are the Emu wren and the Superb Warbler, which are respectively the "man's brother" and woman's sister." With the Coast Murring the Emu wren is also the "man's brother," but the "woman's sister" is the Tree creeper (Climacteris scandens), and this is the only totemic connection which I can trace out between these tribes. When, however, we turn to the Kulin we find both the Kurnai totems in just the same position. In addition, there are also a second male and female totem, namely, the Bat and the small Nightjar, and these two are found to extend to the extreme north-western confines of Victoria as the "man's brother" and the "woman's sister."

In the Woiworung language the Emu wren is called "Bunjil Bóroin," and possibly this may have a connection with the legend of the Kurnai " Adam "-for it is related that the "first Kurnai old man," Bunjil Borun, walked across the plains from the north to the sea, carrying his wife in a canoe on his head. I feel a difficulty in connecting the two names, as in the Kurnai dialects Borun means "Pelican," and not "Emu wren."

There is another legend, however, which is found in what I may call its complementary parts in the Woiworung and Kurnai tribes, and to me it seems to speak of an early migration of the Kurnai ancestors in unmistakable terms.

The Woiworung say that long ago a gigantic being like a blackfellow lived on the banks of the Yarra River. He was named Loän, and is now pointed out as one of the stars. Observing that pieces of swan's-down were carried to the Yarra by the south-east wind he journeyed in that direction and discovered the Inlets at Western Port Bay, where he settled down for a time. By-and-by he again wandered onwards, following the swans in their migrations, and thus discovered Corner Inlet in

1 Mr. A. L. P. Cameron has shown that these totems extend still further into New South Wales.

Gippsland, where he permanently took up his abode, living in the mountainous recesses of Wilson's Promontory.

The Kurnai on their part say that a great being called Loän lives in a cave at Wilson's Promontory, where he has at times. been seen wandering armed with an enormous spear.1

It is to this Loän that is attributed the institution of the remarkable formalities which attended the admission of alien but friendly blackfellows into his country. By the Kulin of Western Port and Melbourne, and by the Kurnai, the country for some distance on each side of Wilson's Promontory was known as "the Bad ground." It was believed that any blackfellow other than a native of it who should enter it, without being under the charge of a Brataua man and the protection of the proper formalities, would certainly become ill, and most likely die.

From what I have heard of this belief, and of the formalities connected with it, I suspect that at the bottom lies the liability to some kind of fever by blacks from warmer and dryer parts of the country if they come and camp in the damp and swampy forests of the "Bad ground." 3

The legend of Loän and the belief in the "Bad ground" connect the Kulin and Kurnai tribes and strengthen the views suggested by the class-names. It seems to me more than probable that the Kurnai are of the same stock as the Woiwotung Kulin, and that the legends which I have noted refer to one, if not more than one, immigration into Gippsland; one migration by way of Western Port, and another, if the story of the Kurnai "first old man" has any reference to the facts of the past, by way of the Macallister River valley, which even since the whites have settled in the country has been the war-path of the Kurnai when making a raid upon the Kulin of the Mansfield district.

It is now well to consider what were the relations of the Kurnai with their immediate neighbours to the east, that is to

1 The name Loän seems properly to belong to the Brataua Kurnai clan, which, living in his country, were supposed to be protected by him. The other Kurnai knew of him from them, but also spoke of him by the name of " Külüngrăk.” Both these names are applied to white men, and white women have received the designation of the wife of Loän, namely, Loän-tǎka. Old men tell me that these names have been used for the supernatural being in the Brataua country "from the beginning," that is, the origin of these names is unknown to them. 2 In the Nulit dialect = Wía-wek; in the Woiworung Márine-bek.

3 Mr. James McAlpine, who has lived in South Gippsland almost since its settlement, tells me that when he first came there he became acquainted with a very old blackfellow who gave him much information, and who said that “his fathers came from the West, and the country to the East was at that time empty of people."

These Kulin were also divided into Bunjil and Waa.

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say, with the Coast Murring. The language spoken by the Krauatun, who were the most easterly clan, was a dialect of the Kurnai language, and was quite unintelligible to the adjoining Murring. Yet there are a few peculiarities which show that the language of the latter has influenced it.

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The Krauatun Kurnai occupied the country along the coast from near Lake Tyers eastward to Mallagoota Inlet. The Tatung Kurnai extended along the strip of country westwards from the entrance to the Gippsland Lakes, and between them and the sea. The full names of these two clans are Krauatungalung and Tatungalung. The termination "galung" is a possessive suffix which slightly differs from the form which I find in the Mukthang, where it is "lung," as in the clan name Brabralung, which may be translated as "manly," or "belonging to that which is manly;" another example is in the possessive pronoun ngitalung, "mine," which is properly and in full, when not colloquially abbreviated, ngaiw-ta-lung, that is to say, "I, belonging to," or " of." In the termination “galung" I find a common possessive suffix of the Murring language, "gal," added to that used in the Mukthang. As examples of the use of "gal" I take the local names of the Coast Murring tribes as "Bemerin-gal" and "Katun-gal," where Bemering = Mountains, and Katun Sea. The term Katungal, as meaning those "of" or " belonging to" the sea coast, is applied by the Murring to all those thus located on each side of them, in one direction into Gippsland, and in the other beyond Sydney. I cannot but think that the name Tatungalung of the Kurnai is in fact this word with the "K" altered to "T," and the Kurnai possessive suffix added.

The word "Tat" is by them used as meaning "south." Hence a southerly rain is "Tátung-willung," but there is a second word in use also meaning "south," namely "káter." This, I think, is merely a variation of the same root.

The Krauatun consider themselves to be, and are recognised by the other clans as, Kurnai. But they do not participate in the Jeraeil of their own tribe, nor in the Kuringal of the Murring, except in rare cases, such as where a man's mother belonged to that tribe, and he might be admitted to what may be called an "honorary membership." The Tatung had con

There were three dialects in Gippsland-the Nulit, spoken by the Braiaka and Brataua; the Mik-thang, by the Brabra; and the Thang-quai, by the Krauatun and Tatung. The difference between these three dialects and the Murring language can be shown by the statement which a Krauatun man might make. He would probably say, "I can understand the Muk-thang, and speak it a little; I can understand the Nulit, though I cannot speak it; but I cannot understand the Murring language at all."

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