so far as his experience went, was plain and straightforward, and in good faith; that there was little desire for secrecy merely as a screen for deception, and that most countries acted under a sense of their share of responsibility for honesty of conduct before the world. I say that I prefer to adopt this later theory on my coming in as a member of the Diplomatic Corps, because I should scarcely know how to act upon any other. In America we are so used to speaking what we think-perhaps with too much freedomand I have got into such a habit of it, I should not be fit to come to play my part here if I were expected by my employers to say what I did not mean. (Cheers.) Permit me, then, to assure you that my main object has been, and is, to endeavor to continue and perpetuate the friendly relations that have so long existed between the two countries. (Cheers.) Indeed, I see the strongest reasons why they should never be changed. (Cheers.) To be sure, there are many points in which we materially disagree, and there will be people on both sides whose disposition will be to magnify them. You do not approve our democracy; we do not appreciate your distinctions of rank. You think us altogether too free and easy in our ways; we consider you as far too stiff and stately. All this may be so, and yet, so long as there is a broad ocean between us, I see no reason why we may not indulge our respective tastes without risk of difficulty. On the other hand, I perceive many and vastly higher particulars in which we harmonize. (Cheers.) Surely it must be remembered that, with only the exception of the last eighty years, we claim to be joint heritors with you in all that is great and noble in your past history. Every bold stroke for liberty, whether civil or religious, is matter of pride for us as it is for you. Magna Charta is a common landmark for us all. And if from this I turn to the field of literature or science, where, I ask, is there a great name in England which is not equally venerated in America? It was but the other day that I took a little trip to the banks of your little river Avon, to visit the birthplace and the last resting place of your great poet, and there I found on the record of the pilgrims who go to that shrine that a great proportion are from America. (Cheers.) So, among philosophers we know no greater guide than Bacon, in science no higher authority than Newton; and if I may be permitted to come down to the limits of your own municipality of London, there is not a street, nor an alley, nor a lane, which is not scrutinized with eagerness by my countrymen on account of their associations with persons and events of which they have read at home in the historical or the literary productions of the mother country. (Cheers.) Neither is there a deed of heroism recorded here that does not elicit its tribute of applause in the remotest hamlet of the western hemisphere. I have myself met with the story of Grace Darling's courage stuck up in the small public room of an inn in an obscure American town; so the example of self-devotion of your Florence Nightingale (cheers)-has raised the admiration and stimulated the ardor of imitation of quite as many of my fair country women as it has done of her own. And perhaps I may be permitted here to make an allusion to a higher character, so far as to say that through the breadth of the United States, from sea to sea, the name of her Majesty the Queen is held in the highest honor,-(cheers)-not because she is a queen—no, that's not the reason, for there have been many queens whom we do not admire at all, but because, while a pattern of a daughter, and an example of a wife and a mother, she yet rules like a Christian sovereign over a noble people. (Loud cheering.) It is, then, a community of descent, of language, of literature, of sympathy in all that is good, and noble, and true, that teaches the lesson of harmony between our respective peoples. I therefore cannot but echo the sentiment with which my Lord Mayor did me the honor to accompany the mention of my name; and, glancing around to the various points where I see the word inscribed along these walls, I say also, peace here, peace there, and peace everywhere. (Loud cheering.) The Lord Mayor said: The citizens of London think it the highest honor to be allowed to entertain any of her Majesty's Ministers. (Cheers.) This evening we have great reason to rejoice; for, among other distinguished personages who are the great functionaries of the Government of the country, we have the honor to meet her Majesty's Prime Minister. The name of Lord Palmerston (cheers) never can be uttered within this hall without eliciting plaudits such as I have just heard. You, and I, and all of us rejoice in the excellent health which his lordship at this moment exhibits. Long may he continue to enjoy such good health! (Cheers.) Her Majesty's Ministers are at all times charged with duties involving great anxieties. Upon them devolve the entire labor and responsibility of Government. So long as every thing goes on smoothly, a Minister may be happy, but woe betide him if they go wrong. The sleepless nights and anxious days which a Minister must endure are but poorly compensated by the honors and emoluments of office. In conclusion, I beg to propose to you health of her Majesty's Ministers," coupling the toast with the name of Viscount Palmerston. "The The toast was drunk with all the honors and with the utmost cordiality. SPEECH OF LORD PALMERSTON. Viscount Palmerston, who was much cheered on rising to acknowledge the compliment, said: My Lord Mayor, my Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen: For myself and my colleagues I beg you to accept our most heartfelt thanks for the honor which you have done us by so accepting the health which the Lord Mayor has just pro upon these disputes; it is enough for us to offer The noble viscount resumed his seat amid posed. I can assure you, gentlemen, that it is Doc. 1441. GOV. HARRIS' PROCLAMATION, CALLING FOR FIRE-ARMS. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, NASHVILLE, Nov. 2, 1861. THE State must, and to the full extent of its resources shall, be defended. Threatened with invasion, all good citizens will regard it as a patriotic duty to make any reasonable sacrifices to repel the invaders. Regiments are now in camp and organized, while others are ready to organize, but, for want of arms, are not prepared to take the field. Prompted by the noblest impulses of patriotism, these men are ready to take the field to defend your homes and to prevent the theatre of this cruel and vindictive war being brought within our borders. They appeal to you, who quietly remain at home, to place arms in their hands, that they may give you protection and If you fail to respond to this appeal, I shall be compelled by the sternest convictions of duty, charged as I am with the responsibility of seeing that the State is defended, to disband these regiments of brave soldiers, and call you, who have arms, into the service as militia. My lords and gentlemen, I may also say that we have here peace and plenty, (cheers,) and I trust that the present condition of the country is not altogether unanalogous to that state; for we have had a harvest which, generally speaking, has been good. The condition of our rev-security. enue is altogether satisfactory, (cheers;) and, although circumstances beyond our control may threaten for a time to interfere with the full supplies of that article so necessary for the productive industry of the country, yet no doubt that temporary evil will be productive of permanent good, (cheers,) and we shall find in va- I earnestly entreat that the people will bring rious quarters of the globe sure, and certain, forward and deliver to the clerk of the county and ample supplies, which will render us no court of their respective counties, or to such longer dependent on one source of production other agents as I may send to the various counfor that which is so necessary for the industry ties, every effective double-barrel shot-gun and and welfare of the country. (Cheers.) Gen-sporting rifle which they may have, to be imtlemen, when we look without we see, no doubt, in many parts of Europe circumstances which, if not dealt with by prudence and discretion, may lead to local disturbances, which I trust will not, at least, extend themselves to bring us within their range. (Cheers.) On the other side of the Atlantic we witness, with the deepest affliction, (cheers,) with an affliction which no words can express, (cheers,) differences of the most lamentable kind among those whom we call our cousins and our relations. (Cheers.) It is not for us to pass judgment mediately shipped to the arsenal at Nashville, Knoxville, or Memphis, where the same will be valued by a competent ordnance officer, and the value paid to the owner by the Confederate Government. I urge you to give me your aid in the important work of arming our troops, with which we can repel the invaders; but if you refuse, prepare to take the field, for I am resolved to exhaust all resources before the foot of the invader shall pollute the soil of Tennessee. Respectfully, ISHAM G. HARRIS. Doo. 145. EXTORTION AT THE SOUTH. THE Southern (Ga.) Confederacy of Nov. 9th, publishes the following on this subject: Some time ago we published an extract from the Message of the Governor of Tennessee upon the extortions which have of late been introduced by those who have at heart their own interests more than the good of their fellowmortals and of the country. A few days ago Mr. Jones presented to the Tennessee Legislature the proceedings of a meeting of a portion of the citizens of Nashville, in regard to the extortions now practised, at which the following resolutions were adopted: Resolved, That the Legislature of the State of Tennessee be requested to pass some law that will prevent the ruinous prices now sought to be placed upon the staples of life, even if it shall be necessary to place the same in the hands of the military authorities. Resolved, That we recommend that by law a tax be levied upon every gallon of spirituous liquors distilled from wheat, corn, rye, or potatoes, that shall be sufficient to prohibit the same during the present war and blockade the proceeds thereof to be applied to the support of families with us of our soldiers on the tented field. We approve these resolutions, and hope our Legislature, at its present session, will devise some wise and equitable plan to put a stop to the evil. There is a wrong doing upon this subject, that ought to be reached in some way and regulated by law. The Governor of Alabama recently issued a proclamation condemning the practice which is doing so much mischief, in which he instructed the agents of the State to purchase nothing from men so engaged; and in his recent Message to the Legislature he says: Complaints have been made to me from many portions of the State, that there were persons engaged in purchasing articles indispensable to the support of the army and of our poor people, for the purpose, and with the intent, of extorting extravagant prices from those who might be compelled to purchase these articles. Upon this information I issued a proclamation denouncing such conduct as unpatriotic and wicked, and instructed the quartermasters and other agents of the State to purchase nothing from such per VOL. III.-Doc. 29 sons. Merchants and tradesmen, in common with persons engaged in every legitimate pursuit, are entitled to a fostering care of the Government; but when so forgetful of social duty and regardless of the interest of their country, as to monopolize the trade in those commodities most necessary for the comfort and subsistence of our soldiers and citizens, it becomes the duty of the Legislature, as the public guardians, to adopt such measures as will prevent, as far as possible, the State and people from becoining the prey of such harpies." The Mayor of Augusta, Georgia, has lately issued a proclamation on this subject, and public meetings have been held in Macon, Savannah, and elsewhere, to inaugurate some movement to suppress the unjust and unpatriotic speculations in the prime necessaries of lifethe greatest wants of the soldiers who are now fighting for the liberty which these men so abuse, and the wants of their poor families, who have already suffered much, and will suffer more unless a stop is put to it by the strong arm of the law. Governor Brown, of Georgia, in his late Message, has also recommended the Legislature to take this matter in hand, to regulate so as to cure the evil and do justice to all. The Governors of Mississippi and Louisiana have also. These are some of the indications of public opinion. We will now clearly define our own position on this subject. In ordinary times every man should be allowed to buy and sell any article of merchandise, or any farm productions, for just such prices as he can or will. But the times now upon us are extraordinary, and impose upon all such obligations of patriotism and duty to their fellow-citizens, as do not exist in times of peace and prosperity, and there should be some way of enforcing a compliance with these obligations and duties to the extent of their existence and no further. For instance, our fellow-citizens have left their homes and their families to fight our battles for us. They must be clothed, and they have to buy their own clothing. It is notorious that a few men have bought up all the material that could be had, out of which their clothing could be made, and have asked the most exorbitant prices for it. The Government must feed them, and their families at home must be fed; but men with a speculative turn of mind have bought up largely the bacon and salt of the country-articles of prime necessity-which the soldier who fights, bleeds, and dies for his country, and the poor wife and children which he leaves behind him, must have or perishand have demanded exorbitant prices for them. It is wrong and unpatriotic, and men should not do it; and our Legislature should not allow it to be done. Before this war commenced bacon could be bought for ten and twelve and a half cents per pound. It is now selling at thirty cents. Nothing has transpired to increase the cost of mak ing it, and its transportation costs no more. And our Government should have it to feed the soldiers; and their poor families at home should have it at a more reasonable rate; and those engaged in the sale of it should have that much patriotism in them. If they have it not, the law should furnish them with it. Country jeans could be had for fifty cents per yard before the war, now it is from one dollar twenty-five to one dollar fifty. The labor of making it and the material out of which it is made cost no more now than then; and the soldier should have it to clothe him while he fights for us at more reasonable rates. Patriotism demands this much at the hands of those who deal in such articles. It may be difficult to frame a law to meet the exigencies of this case; but the necessity is great, and we are in favor of the Legislature making the attempt. Coffee is selling from fifty to sixty cents per pound; but we say let it sell for whatever people are willing to give for it. It is not an article of prime necessity. It is a luxury; and let those who indulge in it get it as cheap as they can. Fine dress goods are luxuries, not necessities; let those who wear them pay what dealers see fit to ask. We would make no restrictions on any such articles as these. But during the war, when our national existence, our greatest interests, and personal honor are at stake, we would put a check upon the disposition to speculate upon such articles as the Government and the soldier must have or perish. And now, in conclusion, we deprecate the spirit manifested by some in relation to this matter. Our neighbor, the Intelligencer, a few days ago, indulged in what we consider intemperate strictures, which, if heeded, would excite the people to deeds worse than those complained of. Such subjects should not be dealt rashly with, and the rights and equity of dealers should not be run over rough-shod by a mob, or an enraged populace, so long as any thing else will avail. We are in favor of abiding by law and recognizing every man's legal rights as long as they exist. These times, however, have imposed upon us obligations toward each other, and toward the Confederate Government, which our present laws do not exact. We are in favor of having the authorities take this matter in hand, and deal with it so as to respect the rights of dealers, while justice is secured to those who are needy. There is a line of demarkation-a golden mean-that should be carefully observed in this matter. men in East Tennessee, Captain Miller picked up a party of twenty-two young men, accompanied by Mr. J. R. Howard as a volunteer, and started from Bristol by the railroad at six o'clock. They sent lanterns ahead of the train and found the track torn up between Wautanga and the Union Station Bridge; but the damage was soon repaired, and they passed over safely. Arriving at Carter's Station, they stopped and threw out pickets, and about midnight the little scouting party, under Captain Miller, started to explore the country. They had proceeded some three and a half miles through Carter County, Tennessee, when they were met by a pretty heavy fire from rifles and shot-guns, which was promptly returned, and the skirmish was kept up with spirit for half a hour. The Lincolnites were some three hundred strong, and constituted the advance of a body of eight hundred stationed at Elizabethtown, the mountain stronghold of the traitors. We may state here that these men, as has been since ascertained from prisoners, expected a reinforcement of five hundred men from Wautauga County, North Carolina, a disaffected region adjoining Johnson County, Tennessee. In the fight the enemy were driven out of the woods, nine killed and five taken prisoners. The remainder retreated, and our scouts returned toward their camp. Captain Miller received a charge of buckshot through his coat, and two of his men were slightly wounded in the feet. The prisoners were taken to the cavalry camp at Carter's Station. LYNCHBURG " VIRGINIAN" ACCOUNT. We are indebted to Captain H. H. Miller, of the Twelfth Mississippi regiment, for the following particulars of an engagement between twenty-two Virginians, under his command, and three hundred of the enemy, supposed to be under the command of Taylor, a former member of Congress from Tennessee, which occurred at Taylor's Ford, on the Wautauga River, about two o'clock Sunday morning. Captain Miller arrived at Bristol on Saturday last, en route to Mississippi, when intelligence reached there of the depredations that were being committed by the Union men in East Tennessee. He was requested by General Clark, who was in command, to make a reconnoissance with twenty-two Virginians who had volunteered their services, and ascertain the position and numbers of the enemy on Wautauga River. Captain Miller with his force arrived at Taylor's Ford, and had nearly succeeded in crossing the river, when they discovered the enemy on the opposite side in large numbers. A fight ensued, when our force got within thirty yards of the enemy. Captain Miller ordered his men to return to the shore and attack the enemy from that position. Our men were so enthusiastic that it required his utmost exertions to restrain them from crossing the river and IN consequence of private intelligence re- making a charge upon the enemy. We susceived at Bristol of the doings of the Uniontained no loss. Captain Miller received a slight Doc. 146. FIGHT ON THE WAUTAUGA RIVER, RICHMOND, VA., Nov. 11. wound in the hand and one in the back, the | ball glancing from his sword belt. One or two others were slightly wounded. The enemy's loss, as reported by two prisoners captured Monday, was nine killed and seven wounded, and their force is said to have been about seven hundred. The people are gathering in large numbers, arined with every available weapon, and express great determination to resist any invasion. Doc. 147. DRAWING LOTS AT RICHMOND, VA. THE HOSTAGES FOR THE PRIVATEERSMEN. THE following is the official correspondence relating to the selection, by lot, of hostages for the prisoners of war: C. S. A. WAR DEPARTMENT, RICHMOND, Nov. 9, 1861. SIR: You are hereby instructed to choose, by lot, from among the prisoners of war of highest rank, one who is to be confined in a cell appropriated to convicted felons, and who is to be treated in all respects as if such convict, and to be held for execution in the same manner as may be adopted by the enemy for the execution of the prisoner of war Smith, recently condemned to death in Philadelphia. You will also select thirteen other prisoners of war, the highest in rank of those captured by our forces, to be confined in the cells reserved for prisoners accused of infamous crimes, and will treat them as such so long as the enemy shall continue so to treat the like number of prisoners of war captured by them at sea, and now held for trial in New York as pirates. As these measures are intended to repress the infamous attempt now made by the enemy to commit judicial murder on prisoners of war, you will execute them strictly, as the mode best calculated to prevent the commission of so heinous a crime. Your obedient servant, J. P. BENJAMIN, Acting Secretary of War. To Brig.-Gen. JOHN H. WINDER, Richmond, Virginia. HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF HENRICO, RICHMOND, VA., November 12, 1861. SIR: In obedience to your instructions, all the wounded officers have been exempted as hostages, to await the result of the trial of prisoners captured by the enemy at sea. I have therefore made selections, by lot, of Captains H. Bowman and T. Keffer to replace Captains Ricketts and McQuade, wounded. The list of thirteen will now stand: Colonels Lee, Cogswell, Wilcox, Woodruff, and Wood; Lieutenant-Colonels Bowman and Neff; Majors Potter, Revere, and Vogdes; Captains Rockwood, Bowman and Keffer. Respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier-General. Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN, Sec. of War, Richmond. HOW THE BALLOTS WERE DRAWN. ACCOUNT BY AN OFFICER. RICHMOND PRISON, VA., Nov. 11, 1861. SIR: This lets you know that I am in as good health and spirits as could be expected under confinement so long. It is now sixteen weeks since I was taken, with many more, on the battle-field at Bull Run, and since that many more have been taken and brought here. They number in all, who have been brought to Richmond, as many as two thousand six to seven hundred. Some arrived as late as last night— a few from Fairfax and Leesburg; and before, over 700 from the Leesburg battle of the 21st of October, and on the north side of the Potomac, which no doubt you have got the news of. I think that through and by the same flag of truce that this comes, other versions and the details of the battle will be sent by officers in full knowledge of the facts, from the spot, which of course you will become acquainted with. HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF HENRICO, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, NOV. 11, 1861. SIR: In obedience to your instructions contained in your letter of the 9th instant, one prisoner of war of the highest rank in our possession was chosen, by lot, to be held for execu- There is one thing I wish to let you know, tion in the same manner as may be adopted by which is this: the General in charge of this the enemy for the execution of Smith, recently post, Richmond, Brigadier-General Winder, condemned to death in Philadelphia. The with five or six other officers, came into prison names of the six colonels were placed in a can. yesterday at four o'clock P. M., called us offiThe first name drawn was that of Col. Cor-cers to order, and stated that he had an order coran, Sixty-ninth regiment N. Y. S. M., who is the hostage chosen to answer for Smith. In choosing the thirteen from the highest rank to be held for a like number of prisoners of war captured by the enemy at sea, there from the War Department to ballot one out of the highest rank of the six colonels now prisoners of war in their possession, and the one balloted and drawn to be placed in a cell in prison, similar to that in which the condemned |