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Doc. 206.

THE SCHOONER "E. WITHINGTON."

THE following particulars of the capture of the schooner is taken from a letter dated Hilton Head, December 1st:

established by the voice of the people you did ill to distract the country by angry words and insurrectionary tumult. In doing this you commit the highest crime known to the laws.

Out of the Southern Confederacy no people possess such elements of prosperity and happiness as those of East Tennessee. The Southern market which you have hitherto enjoyed only in competition with a host of eager Northern rivals, will now be shared with a few States of the Confederacy, equally fortunate, politically and geographically. Every product of your agriculture and workshops will now find a prompt sale at high prices, and, so long as cotton grows on Confederate soil, so long will the money which it brings flow from the South through all your channels of trade.

I received an invitation to go down to Tybee Light in steamer Ben Deford, and gladly accepted the opportunity to see the rebel country. 'Before starting, we took on board three hundred soldiers as guard, and started on Friday afternoon at four o'clock. We arrived off Tybee Light at dusk, and waited till morning to enter the channel and land the men. Next morning we got under way, and having anchored, prepared to disembark the men. While disembarking, we discovered a schooner with all sail At this moment you might be at war with set, steering dead on to the beach. Our cap- the United States, or any foreign nation, and tain immediately exclaimed, "That is a rebel yet not suffer a tenth part of the evils which schooner trying to run the blockade, and find-pursue you in this domestic strife. No man's ing she cannot, the captain will beach her."

As soon as we had landed the men, the captain of the Ben Deford, young Deford of Baltimore, Pilot Norris, and myself, took a boat and started for the schooner. On landing and getting nearer, we met the captain of the rebel vessel in charge of a marine. The schooner proved to be the E. Withington, with a cargo of coffee. A little further on we met the mate, the same way, and on arriving at the schooner, found her to be, as we supposed, trying to run the blockade, and loaded with cigars, coffee, oranges, wines, olives, and a variety of small stores, which were immediately taken by our forces.

I took four boxes of cigars and some oranges, and my friends did the same. This makes one of seven vessels which they have taken at this place within a short time. This finished our tour for Saturday. The soldiers then commenced to reconnoitre the island. All this time we were within gunshot of Fort Pulaski, and yet received no notice from it, and the rebel steamer Gordon was looking on. After lying here all night, we started this morning for Port Royal, and arrived here at nine o'clock A. M. After supper this evening I found Capt. Eldridge on the steamer Atlantic, with Messrs. Eben Bacon and Joseph Balch, President of the Boylston Insurance Office in Boston, and had a long talk with them, and received from

them much information from home.

Doc. 207.

H.

COL. LEADBETTER'S PROCLAMATION

TO THE CITIZENS OF EAST TENNESSEE.
HEAD-QUARTERS, GREENVILLE, E. T.,
November 30, 1861.

To the Citizens of East Tennessee:
So long as the question of Union or Disunion
was debatable, so long you did well to debate
it and vote on it. You had a clear right to
vote for the Union, but when secession was

life or property is safe, no woman or child can sleep in quiet. You are deluded by selfish demagogues, who take care for their own personal safety. You are citizens of Tennessee, and your State one of the Confederate States.

So long as you are up in arms against these States, can you look for any thing but the invasion of your homes and the wasting of your substance? This condition of things must be ended. The Government commands the peace, and sends troops to enforce the order. I proclaim that every man who comes in promptly and delivers up his arms, will be pardoned on taking the oath of allegiance. All men taken in arms against the Government, will be transported to the military prison at Tuscaloosa, and be confined there during the war. Bridge burners and destroyers of railroad tracks are excepted from among those pardonable. They will be tried by drumhead court-martial, and be hung on the spot. D. LEADBETTER, Colonel Commanding.

Doo. 208.

THE MANUFACTURE OF SALT.

ITS NECESSITY AT THE SOUTH.

THE Norfolk (Va.) Day Book of November 30, holds the following language on this subject:

An opportunity is now presented to individuals or companies, whereby they may not only make money, but give an expression of patriotism which will be too plain to be misapprehended. We refer to the manufacture of salt, as it is well known this article may be manufactured all along our coast, in great plenty and at but little expense; the only process necessary, being the boiling of the water and bleaching the salt, and the only outlay, that attending the purchase of pans and the price paid for labor. Hitherto, the great difficulty in the way of the manufacture of salt, has been the

them; and for the maintenance by force of arms of the independence we have proclaimed, we have sent our armies to the field. We have supplied them with arms and munitions of war, and in every sense they are a formidable body. But, as strong and formidable as they are, it is possible to reduce them to the helplessness of children, and that by the simple process of withholding salt from them. Its absence from their food will occasion disease and eventually death, and the very object for which they were organized will be defeated, not by the process of opposing hosts, but by the process we have just given. That there is a scarcity of salt we need not endeavor to hide; and equally apparent is the fact, that if it is not manufactured among us, our people-our army-must suffer for it. Now, does not the individual who supplies this great necessity to the armies of this country, serve her as acceptably and as successfully as the glittering hosts who stand upon her borders for her defence? What could these hosts accomplish, should he withhold that which is essential to their health and life? Their proud banners would soon trail in the dust, and that which is now difficult to our foes, would then become easy. If it should be replied, to what we have written, that no such danger as we apprehend will ever come to pass, and that we are giving too much importance to a small consideration, we have only to say that he who thus thinks cannot be acquainted with the facts which have suggested this article.

lack of the pans necessary to the boiling of the | water. This difficulty, we are glad to state, has been removed by the proprietors of the Atlantic Iron Works of this city, who, if we are rightly informed, are prepared to fill orders for these pans. When we say that money may be made by any enterprising individual, or individuals, who may engage in this business, we mean precisely what we say, and we mean further that it may be made without any exorbitant charge upon the article. Salt is a necessary, not a luxury of life. Sugar, coffee, and very many other articles, may be dispensed with, and man will be none the worse off for the deprivation; but with salt it is different. Man's health-aye, his very life-depends upon the presence of this article in the food which he consumes; hence, it is not a question with him whether he will use salt or not, but a sheer necessity-an imperative nature that compels him to its use. Its use, then, is universal-the rich, the poor, the high, the low, the great and the small, all require salt, and must have it. Consequently it is an article for which there is always a sale, and which must be had at all hazards. He, then, who undertakes to supply this demand, does it with the perfect knowledge beforehand, that he will sell all of the article that he can possibly make. There is not the least reason for him to apprehend that he can make so much salt that he will never find a market for it; on the contrary, he should and will have reason to congratulate himself if, after his best efforts, he shall be able to meet the demands upon him. For this reason he can manufacture the article and sell it at a reasonable price and make money. His outlay has been small-so small, indeed, as to be liquidated by the sums realized from the sale of the sacks OFFICIAL REPORT BY HER COMMANDER. with which he introduces himself in the market. His expenses are exceedingly light, his CONFEDERATE STATES STEAMER PATRICK HENRY, OFF MULBERRY ISLAND, JAMES RIVER, VA., stock is always salable, and therefore he can Dec. 2, 1861. afford to sell at a price at which all can pur- SIR: Since the 18th of November the enemy chase, and accumulate in the end a handsome have accumulated at Newport News several sum as the result of his labor. But not only small gunboats and armed tugs. Learning that will he make money, but he will display a they were in the habit of sending several of patriotism which none can misinterpret. He is these gunboats up the river at night, and withnot the only patriot, who goes to the tented drawing them in the morning, induced me to field and meets the enemy in sanguinary strife. take the first favorable opportunity to surprise Every individual who lends his aid to the es- and attack them. This morning being dark tablishment and maintenance of his govern- and suitable for the enterprise, I left our anment, whether it be by military achievements chorage, off Mulberry Island, at four o'clock in the field, or in the thousand and one ways A. M., and proceeded cautiously down the river, which present themselves in the path of the all lights carefully concealed. I regret, how civilian, is a patriot. He who places the means ever, to say, that I was disappointed in not of sustenance within the reach of his people, finding the steamers as high up the river as I and he who at the point of the bayonet protects expected. At early daylight we discovered the means thus afforded, are alike patriots, four steamers anchored in line, this side of the though they labor in different fields. Now let frigates, but in supporting distance of them, us see if we cannot with this view of the sub- and the battery at Newport News. We roundject, prove the man who undertakes the man-ed to at a supposed distance of a mile, and ufacture of salt at this important crisis a patriot, commenced the attack with our port battery exhibiting his patriotism in the very act of the and pivot guns, which was returned by the undertaking. We are a people battling for our steamers and the battery on shore, from rifled rights for the protection of our homes and fire- and other guns. Many of the rifled shells came sides from a ruthless foe who seeks to desecrate near and over us, and one struck us, going

Doc. 209.

FIGHT WITH THE PATRICK HENRY

through the pilot house, and exploding in the starboard hammock nettings, producing slight injury, and wounding one of the pilots and a seaman, very slightly, by the splinters. The engagement lasted two hours, when we returned to our anchorage, the enemy evincing no disposition to advance, either during the engagement or afterwards. We expended twentyeight shells and thirteen solid shot, some of which must have struck, but with what injury to the enemy we are unable to say. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN R. TUOKER, HON. S. R. MALLORY, Commander C. 8. N. Sec'y of Navy, Richmond.

A NATIONAL ACCOUNT.

* * *

the shells, and every few minutes would be half submerged by the bursting of them on the water. After the fight was over, we found it to be a young officer, Capt. Drake De Kay, of the army, aid to a General on shore, who had pulled off alone to join in the fun. He came on board, to the great relief of his nigger, who was nearly white with fear. The firing was kept up for about two hours-no damage being done on our side, and our shots only hulling the Patrick Henry, and one or two shells bursting over her, the effect of which it was impossible to make out. She then veered around, and, firing a few random shots as a parting salute, steamed rapidly up the James River. Had we had one or two regular gunboats, and not weak tug-boats with heavy guns mounted on them, we could have run up and cut out the rebel

ON BOARD THE GUNBOAT BAUS 1881 Hag-ship; but with the poor tubs we have,

JAMES RIVER, OFF NEWPORT NEWS, Dec. 2,

At six o'clock this morning, in the gloaming, as I still lay snug in my berth, on board the gunboat Sausheene, boom came the roar of a heavy gun,and the yell of a big shell passing over us. In about one minute and a half I was dressed and on deck. At short distance from us lay the little fleet of three small gunboats the Hetzel, Saybrook, and Whitehead-in line of battle, and two miles off up the river, just discernible in the heavy morning mists, lay the long hull of the rebel steamer Patrick Henry, the masts hidden by the fog and the smoke of her guns. In another minute we opened on her with our thirty-two-pounder. The rest of the fleet pitched in with their various armaments. Our orders being positive, in case of attack, to fall back on the heavy ships of war lying off Newport News-we being merely a picket guard we slowly dropped down the river, firing at every moment, and thus led on the enemy until we were within three miles of the frigates. At this moment we perceived that the Patrick Henry was aground, by her remaining stationary and working her engines disconnected. We ran alongside the senior officer's steamer, Capt. Davenport, stated this fact, proposing to run up and rake her before she could get off, but that officer refused, on the ground that the enemy's metal was heavier and her sides iron-plated, rendering it imprudent to attack at close quarters with our small boats. So we had to content ourselves with lying off and practicing long-range firing at the pirate. The Patrick Henry's sides appear to be only plated about the bulwarks. No signs of them could be discerned below, nor does she draw water enough to make it probable that she has plates all over, as, with her armament, she would be very deep. With a glass, her decks could be seen to be crowded with men-three to four hundred at least. Her firing was very good, the shells striking all around us, sometimes striking within twenty feet of us, the pieces flying over us like a flock of birds. During the heaviest firing, we were surprised to see, just ahead of us, a small wherry with an officer and a black man in it. It lay in the track of VOL. III.-Doc. 87

nothing could be done more than we did do.

A SECESSION ACCOUNT.

NORFOLK, December 3, 1861. For some days past two or three of the Federal gunboats have been in the habit of running up James River five or six miles above Newport News each evening, and remaining there all night. What the object of this was is unknown, unless it may have been to keep a watch on the movements of the Confederate steamer Patrick Henry. These gunboats on Sunday evening repeated this same manœuvre, and on yesterday morning the Patrick Henry got under way from her position further up James River and came down. On seeing her, the gunboats left immediately and put out down the river towards the blockading ships. The Patrick Henry continued her chase after them, and they ran in under the protection of the guns of the frigates Cumberland and Congress and the fort at Newport News. The Patrick Henry opened fire among them, after getting a desirable position, from her after-gun, firing shell; and, our informant tells, for as much as a half hour she continued to drop her shell on and around the frigate Congress, many of which it is believed, bursted on her decks, with what effect we shall be unable to determine, as the Federals keep all such matters too close. The engagement commenced about quarter-past six and lasted two hours. During the time, the gunboats would frequently sally out from behind the frigates to give the Patrick Henry a shot, and on such occasion she would soon force them back by a well-directed shot, several of which, it is believed, struck these gunboats. Two of them, (there were four altogether,) after receiving a shot from the Patrick Henry, retired to the immediate vicinity of the wharf at Newport News, while the other two kept their position out of harm's way in the rear of the frigates. They at one time made an attempt to pass up James River so as to flank the Patrick Henry, and, when getting well out from under the protection of the frigate's batteries, the Patrick Henry put chase after them, and they

scampered back. After this, they appeared to have become afraid to venture out again, and the Patrick Henry had to then remain satisfied with peppering the frigates, which she did, it is said, in a masterly and beautiful manner.

It is said by those who witnessed the entire engagement, that the Patrick Henry was handled in a thoroughly seamanlike manner by those on board, and her guns were worked to perfection. She played upon the enemy mostly with her after-gun while lying off Newport News, and would occasionally back up towards the enemy when she would drift out of range of her mark. It is supposed she used her aftergun, in order to keep the best position to prevent being outflanked, and to keep the enemy from having a chance at her broadside.

We are unable to say what damage was done to either party in this engagement, and, so far as the Federal vessels are concerned, we shall not be able to ascertain; but our informant tells us it is his opinion that the Patrick Henry is entirely unharmed, notwithstanding she was the single object of attack from the four gunboats, the two frgates, and four guns from the fort at Newport News. After the firing ceased, she passed up James River to her position, apparently as fresh as a lark.

Doo. 210.

MR. SAULSBURY'S RESOLUTIONS. OFFERED IN THE U. S. SENATE, DEC. 4, 1861. WHEREAS, the people of the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas and Tennessee, are in revolt against the Constitutional Government of the United States, and have assumed to secede from the Federal Union, to form an independent Government, under the name of the "Confederate States of America ;" and

Whereas, the Congress of the United States, approving the sentiments of the President in his annual message, that "the Union must be preserved," and hence all indispensable means must be employed; and believing that kind and fraternal feeling between the people of all the States is indispensable to the maintenance of a happy and prosperous Union, and being willing to manifest such feeling on their part to them, and that peace may be restored to a distracted country, and the Union and Constitution be preserved and maintained, and inviting the cooperation of the people of the aforesaid States in the accomplishment of this object-it is desirable to each and all-do resolve as follows:

Resolved, That_Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, Geo. M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, George E. Pugh and Richard W. Thompson be, and they are hereby, appointed Commissioners on the part of Congress, to confer with a like num

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ber of Commissioners, to be appointed by the States aforesaid, for the preservation of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution; and that they report the result of said conference of Congress for approval or rejection.

Resolved, That upon the appointment of Commissioners, as hereby invited by said States, and upon the meeting of the joint commission for the purpose of conference as aforesaid, active hostilities shall cease and be suspended; and shall not be renewed unless said commission shall be unable to agree, or in case of an agreement by them, said agreement shall be rejected either by Congress or by the aforesaid States.

REBEL OPINIONS OF THE RESOLUTIONS.

Our readers will find in our columns to-day, the preamble and resolutions of Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, offered in the Senate of the United States, proposing to put an end to the revolt, by appointing commissioners to confer with commissioners to be appointed by the Confederate States, "for the preservation of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution." Here is reconstruction proposed, more formidable, perhaps, to the liberties and the lasting peace of the Confederate States, than cannon and bayonets. As the action proposed is by the Congress of the United States, it must be met, we presume, by the action of the Congress of the Confederate States. The Congress of the Confederate States will never, we presume, appoint any commissioners to meet commissioners from the United States, "for the preservation of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution." They represent a confederacy of independent States. As the representatives of an independent people, they can authorize no conference with the United States, on the assumption that they are a portion of the United States. When propositions to treat for peace come to us, as an independent people, we can, with propriety, listen to them. But in any other form, they should be rejected with contempt, since, by our acquiescence, they would convey an acknowledgment of guilt in asserting our independence. But laying such views aside, we do not think that the Confederate States can make a peace with the United States, which will secure to them the frontier States of Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland; and without these States in our Confederacy, any treaty of peace with the United States, surrendering them, would be disgraceful, and, perhaps, ruinous in the future, to the Confederate States. Slavery would speedily be abolished in them, when left a portion of the United States. Every principle of policy and of honor requires that we should fight the war out to the bitter end, before we surrender a sin gle slave State to the brutal fanaticism of the North. We have no fear of the result in the war in which we are engaged. But a policy which war and rapine and murder cannot force upon us, may be fastened upon us by the cunning slime of diplomacy. We have vanquished

our enemies in every pitched battle; and now, insulted England and interested Europe, may come to our aid. It is a good time for Yankee diplomacy to crave fraternity, and reconstruct our dependency. Yet we do not believe that these resolutions will, at the present time, pass the Congress of the United States. Matters are not yet ripe for peace on either side.

-Charleston Mercury, Dec. 12.

A PEACE FROM YANKEEDOM.

We see by the proceedings of the Federal Congress, that in the Senate on the 4th of Dec. Mr. Saulsbury offered a joint resolution, that Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney, Edward Everett, George M. Dallas, Thomas M. Ewing, Horace Binney, Reverdy Johnson, John J. Crittenden, Geo. E. Pugh, and Richard W. Thompson, be appointed commissioners on the part of Congress to confer with the commission appointed by the "so-called Confederate States," "for the preservation of the Union and the maintenance of the Constitution."

and until they do this, we should perseveringly scorn any proposition emanating from them.

We wonder if these poor, miserable, degraded, negro-stealing wretches do really think to gammon the people of the South still further? What under Heavens should we want with a union with them? To share the debts caused by their folly? To share alike with them the contempt of the world? For surely we can conceive of nothing else we should gain by any future alliance with them.

-Norfolk Day Book, Dec. 9.

Doc. 211.

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GEN. PHELPS' PROCLAMATION. HEAD-QUARTERS MIDDLESEX BRIGADE, SHIP ISLAND, Mississippi, December 4, 1881. To the loyal citizens of the Southwest: Without any desire of my own, but contrary to my private inclinations, I again find myself among you as a military officer of the Government. A proper respect for my fellow-countrymen renders it not out of place that I should make known to you the motives and principles by which my command will be governed.

We conceive that this is a pretty bright idea on the part of the Yankees; but we are at a loss to fully appreciate the compliment of their We believe that every State that has been call on us to maintain an instrument (the Con- admitted as a slave State into the Union since stitution) that they have long since smashed the adoption of the Constitution, has been adinto smithers, unless it is that there is a partymitted in direct violation of that Constitution. among them that still believe in the superior statesinanship of our Southern leaders, and they wish to get them to fix it up again for their especial benefit, seeing its destruction has enabled the Autocrat to trample rather severely upon their liberties.

We would recommend to those "Constitution" cobblers the peculiar virtue of "Spalding glue" for their purpose, with the assurance that they will find quite as much virtue in that article as they would likely find in the combined wisdom of all the statesmen in the world, for the repair and preservation of an instrument that has been so badly rent as what was once the "Constitution of the United States." As for their Union, we would remind them that it is an excellent Union for them, being composed of such despicable God-forsaken scoundrels as were never raked together in one parcel since the world has been a world. It is now a perfect dogeat-dog conglomeration of negro thieces and pirates; and as they have got rid of the honest people of the South, they are now at liberty to 66 go it with a rush."

May be they would like a cessation of hostilities for a time-during the palaver of the commissioners, as another resolution proposes-in order to get an opportunity to accomplish some object they have in view. But possibly our people have had enough of such dodges in the Crittenden Compromise schemes, which were afterwards proved to be but means used to gain time on their part.

If they desire peace, they have but to withdraw their troops from our soil, and let us alone,

We believe that the slave States which existed, as such, at the adoption of our Constitution, are, by becoming parties to that compact, under the highest obligations of honor and morality to abolish slavery.

It is our conviction that monopolies are as destructive, as competition is conservative of the principles and vitalities of republican government; that slave labor is a monopoly which excludes free labor and competition; that slaves are kept in comparative idleness and ease in a fertile half of our arable national territory, while free white laborers, constantly augmenting in numbers from Europe, are confined to the other half, and are often distressed by want; that the free labor of the North has more need of expansion into the Southern States, from which it is virtually excluded, than slavery had into Texas in 1846; that free labor is essential to free institutions; that these institutions are naturally better adapted and more congenial to the Anglo-Saxon race than are the despotic tendencies of slavery; and, finally, that the dominant political principles of this North American Continent, so long as the Caucasian race continues to flow in upon us from Europe, must needs be that of free institutions and free government. Any obstructions to that form of government in the United States, must inevitably be attended with discord and war.

Slavery, from the condition of a universally recognized social and moral evil, has become at length a political institution, demanding political recognition. It demands rights, to the expulsion of those rights which are insured to us by the

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