Et concerns, when he is called upon by the voice of thousands to come nd explain that favourite fyllem which he holds forth as an object of heir admiration, he comes-he atmpts to support by reafoning what alon never dictated, and finding the tempt vain, his great mind, made ir nobler purposes, is obliged to loop mean evafions and pitiful fophify; himself not deceived, he ftrives deceive the people, and the treanable attempt delineates his true aracter, beyond the reach of the ncil of a Weft or a Peale, or the in of a Valerius.

And yet that fpeech, weak and inaid as it is, is the only attempt that been made to fupport by arguent that political monster, the profed conftitution. I have fought in in amidst the immenfe heap of trafh at has been published on the fubject, argument worthy of refutation, d I have not been able to find it. you can bear the difguft which the ading of thofe pieces must naturally cafion, and which I have felt in the ghell degree, read them, my fellow uzens, and fay whether they contain e leall fhadow of logical reasoning; y (laying your hands upon your arts) whether there is any thing in em that can imprefs unfeigned condion upon your unprejudiced minds. One of them only I fhall take noe of, in which I find that arguent is weakly attempted. This piece figned "an American citizen," American citizen," d has appeared with great pomp in ur fucceeding numbers in feveral our newspapers. But if you read attentively, you will find that it es not tell us what the new conftition is, but what it is not, and exsit on the fole ground that it does contain all the principles of Tanny with which the European goernments are difgraced.

But where argument entirely failed, hing remained for the supporters of e new constitution but to endea

vour to inflame your paffions. The attempt has been made, and I am for. ry to find not entirely without effect. The great names of Washington and Franklin, have been taken in vain, and fhockingly profituted to effect the most infamous purposes. What! because our augult chieftain has fubfcribed his name in his capacity of prefident of the convention, to the plan offered by them to the flates, and because the venerable fage of Pennsylvania has teftified, by his fignature, that the majority of the delegates of this flate affented to the fame plan, will any one infer from this, that it has met with their entire approbation, and that they confider it as a mafter piece of human wisdom? I am apt to think the contrary, and I have. good reafons to ground my opinion on.

In the first place, we have found by the publication of Charles Pinckney, efq. one of the figning members of the convention, who has expreffed the most pointed disapprobation of many important parts of the new plan of government, that all the members whofe names appear at the bottom of this inftrument of tyranny, have not concurred in its adoption. Many of them might conceive themfelves bound by the opinion of the majority of their fate, and leaving the people to their own judgment upon the form of government offered to them, might have conceived it impolitic, by refufing to fign their names, to offer to the world the lamentable spectacle of the difunion of a body on the decifions of whom the people had refted all their hopes. We know, and the long fitting of the convention tells us, that, (as it is endeavoured to perfuade us) concord and unanimity did not reign exclufively among them. The thick veil of fecrecy with which their proceedings have been covered, has left us entirely in the dark, as to the debates that took place: and the unaccountable fuppreffion of their journals, the highell

infult that could be offered to the ma- jelly of the people, fhows clearly that the whole of the new plan was entirely the work of an aristocratic majo

rity.

But let us fuppofe for a moment that the propofed government was the unanimous refult of the deliberations of the convention-mult it on that account preclude an inveftigation of its merits? Are the people to be dittated to without appeal, by any fet of men, however great, however dignified? Freedom Ipurns at the idea, and rejects it with difdain. We appeal to the collective wifdom of a great nation, we appeal to their general fenfe which is eafily to be obtained through the channel of a multitude of free preffes-from the opinions of thirty-nine men, who, fecluded from the rest of the world, without the poflibility of conferring with the rest of their fellow-citizens, have had no opportunity of rectifying the errors into which they may have been led by the most defigning among them. We have feen names no: lefs illuftrious than thofe of the members of the late convention, fubfcribed to the prefent reprobated articles of confederation, and if those patriots have erred, there is no reason to fuppofe that a fucceeding fet fhould be more free from error. Nay, the very men who advocate fo ftrongly the new plan of government, and fupport it with the infallibility of dr. Franklin, affect to defpife the prefent conftitution of Pennfylvania, which was dictated and avowed by that venerable patriot. They are confcious that he does not entirely approve of the new plan, whofe principles are fo different from thofe he has established in our ever-glorious conflitution; and there is no doubt that it is the reason that induced them to leave this refpected name out of the ticket for the election.

Now, then, my fellow citizens, my brethren, my friends, if the facred

flame of liberty be not extinguished in your breasts, if you have any regard for the happiness of yourlelves, and your polterity-let me intreat you, earnestly intreat you, by all that is dear and facred to freemen, to confider well before you take an awful ftep which may involve in its confequences the ruin of millions yet unborn-You are on the brink of dreadful precipice in the name, therefore, of holy liberty, for which we have ail fuffered, I call upon you to make a folemn paufe before you proceed. One ftep more, and perhaps the scene of freedom is clofed for ever in America. Let not a fet of afpiring defpots, who "make us flaves, and tell us 'tis our charter," wre from you, those invaluable bleflings, for which the moft illuftrious fons of America have bled and died-but exert yourselves, like men, like freemen, and like Americans, to tran unimpaired to your la eft pofterity thofe rights, thofe liberties, which have ever been fo dear to you, and which it is yet in your power to preferve.

An officer of the late continental army. Philadelphia, Nov. 3, 1787.

Account of the late revolution Sweden.

Mr. Printer,

TWO late writers, who in twen three articles attacked and de fended the propofed federal cont tion, have drawn an erroneou though different contraft between fenatorial branch and the fenated Sweden, before the last revolut This fenate had, indeed, almost whole executive power of gover ment; but it was appointed and di placed at the pleasure of the that which held all the legiflative power and, by this controul over the and fenate, in fatt the executive. fenator, who did not act in imobedience to the ruling party,

inevitably fuperfeded at the next diet, and often punished by fevere fines. It is well known, that this country was diftracted by two violent parties, from the death of Charles 12th, to the revolution in the year 1772. They were diftinguifhed by the droli names of hats and caps, actuated by oppofite political principles, and much influenced by foreign politics -the former, by the alliance and fubhdies of France; and thefe by the more fecret intrigues of Great Britain and Rullia. These parties ruled by turns, as either prevailed in fupenor abilities, or the means of corruption-what the one had done, was immediately overturned by the other -the public intereft was generally facrificed to avarice, ambition, animofity---To be a ftrong partizan was the best recommendation to the higheft civil and military offices---A great part of the national revenue was difipated in bribes, penfions, and finecures.-The first characters were fometimes ruined by confifcations, only for having acted under the obnoxious party and, at last, even the fenatorial office was declined by men of prudence and independent for tunes. Among the leaders of these parties were men of great abilities and fuperior wealth; but turbulent, ignorant, and indigent demagogues Ead frequently an amazing influence. This must always be the cafe in republics, where representation is general. The Swedish parliament has four equal orders: the nobility, clergy, burgeffes, and yeomanry---in each of thefe were many delegates, chosen merely for being fubinitive anderlings, active tools, or daring defenders of the reigning party.

When the nation was, by the corraption and rage of thefe parties, rought into woful diftrefs, and langer of a civil war, the prefent sing, by his admirable conduct, and he affillance of those who were real patriots, effected the furprifing but Vol. II. No. V.

really happy revolution. The government is now a well limited monarchy---the king cannot make peace or war, enact or abrogate laws, nor levy taxes without conient of the ftates; but he has the whole military command, and the appointment to all confiderable employments---The people have as much liberty as they can bear. Sweden was, from the year 1756 till 1,72, in fact a repubic, with a nominal king, that had far lefs real power than the federal prefident will have but the abuse of republican liberty changed it into a real kingdom. Without this, the other co-operating caufes had been ineffectual. Predilection for monarchy was in a great measure worn away in the space of 50 years, under the impotent reign of foreign princes, and the continual increafe of the republican branch. The leading men, in both parties, liked better to enjoy the royal power, than give it to the king; among the firft nobility and military officers, many were, from this reafon, violent republicans

Though the nobles are numerous, and not wanting in the ufual ambition---yet as the title and ellate devolve on all the fons, the greater part want that wealth, without which no order of citizens can maintain a fuperior intereft... The flanding army being in its regulation fimilar to a militia, has naturally much of the national character, and was in no fmall degree republican. The clergy, though well established, have no advantages inconfiftent with a moderate republic; efpecially where the whole nation has the fame mode of worship. The prelates, though invelted with great ecclefiaftic authority, have, at the diet, only fimple votes like any inferior clergyman-The extent of territory being nearly triple of Great Britain was lefs favourable, but not repugnant to a republican conftitution.

Party, that pet of republics, was

therefore the effective cause of the revolution. And though the well difpofed Swedes naturally fled to the throne of an excellent king from the miferies of anarchy---the fame fituation would probably change any republic into a monarchy, perhaps one nearly abfolute.

Gentlemen who mean to corroborate political reafoning, by hiftorical facts, ought to have a full knowledge of thein otherwife they will draw very wrong inferences. In the propofed American conflitution, the powers granted to the fenate or the congrefs collectively, can never be dangerous, while the people in general have proper republican difpofitions. The only danger will arife from parties-- When thefe are nearly equal, the public intereft is torn between them like a fheep between two ravenous wolves---If one has a decided fuperiority, the other will in many relpects be oppreffed, and a great part of the nation become lefs happy--Foreign powers never fail to intrigue in either cafe, and will probably be called in by an exafperated minority. Parties would in this country infallibly produce monarchy, or a diffolution in the union, perhaps a foreign conqueft of the frontier flates.

A BYSTANDER. Philadelphia, Nov. 14, 1787.

verned the convention in their deliberations on the fubject, are ftated in their address to congrefs.

We think it may be of ufe to make fome further obfervations on particular parts of the conflitution.

The congrefs is differently orga nized yet the whole number of members, and this ftate's proportion of fuffrage, remain the fame as before.

The equal reprefentation of the ftates in the fenate, and the voice of that branch in the appointment to offices, will fecure the rights of the leffer, as well as of the greater flates.

Some additional powers are veiled in congrefs, which was a principal object that the ftates had in view in appointing the convention. Thole powers extend only to matters refpecting the common interefts of the uni on, and are fpecially defined, fo the the particular flates retain their fovereignty in all other matters.

The objects, for which congre may apply monies, are the fame mentioned in the eighth article of the confederation, viz. for the comm defence and general welfare, and for payment of the debts incurred f thofe purposes. It is probable the the principal branch of reven will be duties on imports; may be neceflary to be raised by rect taxation, is to be apportioned the feveral fates, according to numbers of their inhabitants, although congrefs may faife the ney by their own authority, if ceffary, yet that authority need be exercifed, if each flate will nifh its quota.

The refraint on the legislatures the feveral ftates refpecting ema bills of credit, making any but money a tender in payment debis, or impairing the obligat contracts by ex poft fallo law, thought neceffary as a fecurit commerce, in which the intere

eigners, as well as of the citizens different flates, may be affected. The convention endeavoured to vide for the energy of governat on the one hand, and fuitable cks on the other hand, to secure rights of the particular flates, and liberties and properties of the zens. We with it may meet the robation of the feveral ftates, and a mean of fecuring their rights, lengthening out their tranquillity. Vith great refpect, we are, Sir, your excellency's

Obedient humble fervants, ROGER SHERMAN, OLIVER ELSWORTH, is excellency gov. Huntington. ན་

er, containing the reafons of the on. Elbridge Gerry, efq. for not gaing the federal conftitution.

New York, Oct. 18, 1787.

ENTLEMEN, HAVE the honour to inclose, purnant to my commillion, the contion propofed by the federal contion.

To this fyftem I gave my diffent, Chall fubmit my objections to the ourable legislature.

I was painful for me, on a fubject ach national importance, to differ n the refpectable members who ed the conflitution: But conving as I did, that the liberties of erica were not fecured by the fyfit was my duty to oppofe it. My principal objections to the , are, that there is no adequate vilion for a representation of the ple-that they have no fecurity the right of election-that fome the powers of the legislature are biguous, and others indefinite and gerous-that the executive is aded with, and will have an undue luence over, the legiflature that judicial department will be oplive-that treaties of the higheft portance may be formed by the

prefident with the advice of twothirds of a quorum of the fenateand that the fyftem is without the fecurity of a bill, of rights. Thele are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all the flates.

As the convention was called for "the fole and exprefs purpofe of re"vifing the arucles of confedera

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tion, and reporting to congrefs, and "the feveral legiflatures, fuch alter"ations and provifions as fhall render "the federal conftitution adequate to the exigencies of government, "and the prefervation of the union,' I did not conceive that these powers extend to the formation of the plan propofed but the convention being of a different opinion, I acquiefed in it, being fully convinced that to preferve the union, an efficient povernment was indilpenfably neceffary; and that it would be dfficult to make proper amendments to the articles of confederation.

The conftitution propofed has fewif any federal features; but is rather a flyftem of national govern-. ment. Nevertheless, in many refpefts, I think it has great merit, and, by proper amendments, may be adapted to the " exigencies of government, and prefervation of liber

ty."

The queftion on this plan involves others of the highest importanceit. Whether there fhall be a diffolution of the federal government ? 2dly. Whether the feveral ftate governments fhall be fo altered, as in effect to be diffolved? 3dly. Whether, in lieu of the federal and flate governments, the national conflituuon now proposed, shall be substituted without amendment ? Never, perhaps, were a people called on to decide a queftion of greater magnitude. Should the citizens of America adopt the plan as it now flands, their liberties may be loft or fhould they reject it altogether anarchy may enfue. It is evident, therefore.