than the close of the day! Ladies and gentlemen sally forth at this hour, for the "paséo," or promenade; at this hour, too, is "oración,"

the church bell tolls, and every body stands silent and uncovered, while he repeats the evening prayer. In a few seconds the bell again strikes, and every one signs himself with the cross, then wishes his neighbour a good night. On these occasions, it is the etiquette for the eldest in company to be the first to say good night; and it is sometimes amusing to see them dispute who shall begin; the younger ones present leaving it to their seniors to make this sort of acknowledgment of age - "Diga Vmd," at last says one "No Señor, diga Vmd," replies another; "Say you". "No Sir, say you!"

During the evening the shops are lighted, and the streets are enlivened by parties of ladies "shopping." On Thursday nights, a military band serenades the governor at nine o'clock, and crowds of people assemble to enjoy it with him. On Saturday nights the streets are particularly gay. The plaza is sprinkled over with flat baskets of shoes, ranged with great care, and lighted by a tallow candle, stuck upon their sides; it is a custom of great antiquity for ladies to repair there to purchase shoes, for it is said, the Chilénas require a new pair every week. The size is ascertained by measuring them with the spread fingers; and perhaps experience, gained by the frequency of fitting themselves, is of considerable advantage.

82. RÉSUMÉ OF THE CONVERSATION BETWEEN MR. HERVEY AND PRESIDENT BALMACEDA

[March, 1891. Maurice H. Hervey, Dark Days in Chile. An Account of the Revolution of 1891 (1892), 89-93. London: Edward Arnold. New York: Macmillan and Company.]

Maurice H. Hervey, special correspondent of the Times of London, had been sent to Chile to study the revolution then in progress in that country. He had an interview with President Balmaceda which is explained in the following manner: "Accompanied by Señor Guillermo, I presented myself at the Moneda at the appointed hour, and without delay was ushered into the presence of Señor Balmaceda. First impressions count for some

1 At five o'clock in the afternoon.

thing; and I think that no one could have met the Chilean President for the first time without being favorably impressed. Six feet in height, of spare but wiry build, some fifty years of age; in general appearance, in fact, not unlike his brother-president of Argentina.1 A head that probably a phrenologist would have found fault with; the broad forehead a little too sloping, the chin a trifle weak, the mouth un tant soit peu sensual. But the good-humored gleam in the keen, penetrating eyes, and the smile, half-playful, half-cynical, that hovered about the mobile lips, gave not the faintest indication of the Nero-like qualities attributed to him by his opponents. There is character, too, in a handshake, and the President's grip was one to remember for several minutes."2 President Balmaceda was defeated, sought refuge in the house of his friend Señor Uriburu, the Argentine ambassador, and committed suicide in his home on September 19, 1891. The following is a résumé of the conversation which Mr. Hervey had with President Balmaceda in the interview described above.

In my notes I find the following résumé of our conversation. Quoth his Excellency:

"You arrive at a disastrous epoch in Chilian history, Señor Corresponsal, and I fear you will carry away with you but a poor opinion of our common-sense, or of our patriotism.'

This was evidently a "feeler," so I replied by another. "Subject to your Excellency's correction, the question appears to me to be rather a definite issue upon points of constitutional rights. No country has ever yet worked out its political salvation without such differences of opinion as at present, unhappily, exist between yourself and congress; nor can Chile hope to be an exception to the universal law."

The President looked at me keenly for a few moments. I fancied I could read his thoughts: This correspondent is English; he admires no system of government save his own; he believes that I am standing in the way between Chile and the adoption of a similar system. Then he said, speaking very slowly and distinctly, and in a fine Castilian accent, good to listen to:

1 General Julio A. Roca.

2 Dark Days in Chile, 88-89.

"What you say, señor, is historically correct, and more especially of England. Your records indicate a continuous struggle between a dominant aristocracy and a liberty-seeking people. And, in course of time, you have contrived to reconcile the pretensions of both. But your ways are not the ways of the rest of the world; and most certainly they are not our ways. Your hereditary throne, your hereditary House of Lords, and your popular elective House of Commons appear to harmonize with the character of the English nation. But they do not meet the views of younger nationalities, which invariably adopt a republican form of government. Now, here comes the great difference. With you, but one out of the three powers which form your constitutional system is elective. In a republic all three are elective. Your two hereditary powers are, more or less, automata; that is, neither Crown nor Lords dare oppose a strong expression of the national will. We have no such automata; least of all is a Chilian president such an automaton, being invested by the Chilian constitution with powers greater even than those of Congress. That his powers are excessive is quite possible, is open at least to argument; but that they exist is certain, and open to no argument at all. You follow me?" and Señor Balmaceda pointed significantly to the original Chilian constitution, which, framed in gold, adorned a side of the room.

"Perfectly," I replied; "your Excellency's Spanish is singularly pure. But it is asserted, upon the other side, that custom and precedent had modified this constitution to an extent which you refused to recognise, and that hence the quarrel."

"No es cierto, señor · such is not the case!" exclaimed the President, somewhat warmly. "I did nothing that has not been done, over and over again, by my predecessors. This theory of Parliamentary Government is a new idea, a mere pretext of discontented factions to work out their own ends. I am the first representative of the Liberal Party who has ever held office. Ever since 1833 the aristocracy has had a monopoly of the Presidency, and up to my election the presidential powers were never called into question. Moreover, when I was sworn in, I took an oath to uphold and maintain the constitution as it stands, without reference to alleged precedents or philosophical theories. Congress, by the express terms of that constitution, has no more right to dictate to me what ministers I shall choose than it has to ordain what food I shall eat or what clothes I shall wear. If I have in any way

exceeded my powers, let Congress impeach me when my term of office shall have expired, which will be but six months hence, as by law provided. I did not frame the constitution, nor am I responsible for its provisions. But I am responsible before God and man to observe my oath; and this, por Dios, señor, I shall do whilst breath remains in my body."

"It would seem," I ventured to observe, "that a revision and remodelling of this apparently somewhat arrièrée constitution would be the simplest solution of the difficulty.”

"Unquestionably," assented Señor Balmaceda, "and this has ever been a prominent feature of the Liberal programme. But the way to effect constitutional reforms is neither to render government impossible, nor to seduce the fleet, nor to play into the hands of foreign capitalists, nor to incite a civil war."

This was a begging of the whole question, into which, without further study, I was scarcely prepared to enter. So I shifted the subject.

"Does your Excellency think that the struggle will last long?"

"It would have been over ere now," was the reply, "had poor Robles displayed more prudence and less impetuosity. He should have awaited the Camus division before he attacked. As it is, my hands are tied for want of ships to transport troops to the north. Our only transport, the Imperial, is insufficient, though had we but three or four such vessels, the rebellion would be crushed in a fortnight. We may have to await the arrival of the cruisers Pinto and Errazuriz from France, unless the new torpedo-catchers succeed in crippling or scaring the insurgent fleet."

A few other subjects were broached. Amongst other things, I was assured that payment on the July coupons was already provided for. When I took my leave, it was with a distinctly favourable opinion of José Manuel Balmaceda, an opinion fully shared by my secretary. But then, as I reflected, it was his obvious policy so to impress me. And, in any case, I must not allow impressions to influence my verdict.

For several days my secretary and I pursued our investigations, still independently of each other. I shall not here reproduce the very voluminous notes which I made as I waded through a vast pile of polemical literature and files of revolutionary journals. But I cannot well avoid setting down what appeared to me to be a fairly clear résumé of the political situation.

83. THE LAST LETTER OF EX-PRESIDENT BALMACEDA

[September 19, 1891. Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1891, 165–166. Published by the United States Government.]

President José M. Balmaceda had taken refuge in the Argentine legation in Santiago on August 28, 1891, after his resignation as the chief executive of Chile. He remained the guest of the Argentine minister, Uriburu, until the morning of September 19, 1891, when he committed suicide. Just before his death he wrote the following letter.

SR. DON JOSÉ DE URIBURU,

Santiago, September 19, 1891.

MY BELOVED FRIEND: In reference to the matter which we recently discussed, I have decided to put an end to the tragical situation in which I find myself placed.

I do not feel qualified in further prolonging my stay in the generous asylum you have afforded me, which act on your part I recommend to my friends as the greatest service I have received during the whole of my life.

The bitter enmity of my adversaries, should they discover my place of retreat, is capable of being carried to such extremes that, to avoid it, I have determined to impose upon myself the greatest sacrifice of which a man of honor is capable.

I must beg you to understand that I have thrown aside all idea of attempting a vulgar escape, for the dual reason that, in my estimation, such conduct would be undignified in a man who has ruled the destinies of Chile and that it would imply some justification of the victorious revolution.

For these reasons, I should have spontaneously decided to place myself at the disposition of the Governmental Junta, intrusting myself to the protection of the constitution and the law.

But the chiefs and officers of the army, the senators and deputies, the municipal and judicial authorities, and all the public officials are accused and prosecuted, imprisoned, or fugitives, and unhappy I alone am left to submit our cause to a court composed of special judges, who are partisans of the revolution, to answer with our persons and belongings for all the actions of the Government. I have lost all hope that a Government that is arbitrary in form will work with justice.