Some sort of a new day is rising in Mexico, but Madero would seem to be President, not because he is a good and honest man and a wellwisher to all, but simply because he is a successful revolutionary leader, and what has been can be. There was, however, a general effect of everybody patting himself on the back. Were they not seeing, for the first time in their history, the high power relinquished without bloodshed? I fancy they felt quite like "folks" as the "Presidente Blanco "1 gave it over to the Apóstol with nothing redder and warmer than a handshake.

The town was brilliant under the perfect sky, and the green-andwhite-and-red flag of the Tres Garantías (Three Guarantees) waved from every building. It bears within its folds the history of Mexico since its adoption in 1823. The white represents religious purity, red symbolizes the union of Mexicans and Spaniards in bonds of brotherly love, and green is for independence.

This morning I went up to Chapultepec to say good-by to Madame Madero. As I drove up the winding way in the white morning the flowers were shining softly along the embankments, the trees were feathery, unsubstantial, the birds singing "like to burst their little throats." It might have been the road to Paradise instead of to the abode of care.

I went in through the great iron gate, the guard saluting, across the flat, stone terrace where some cadets were at drill, and got out at the glass doors leading up to the big stairway. The President was standing there as I drove up, his auto waiting to take him to the palace to a Cabinet meeting. I thought he looked slightly — very slightly — troubled, though I had a feeling that his head was still in the morning clouds of the dazzling day. He wished me a bon voyage and prompt retour and drove away. Our personal relations with them both have always been most friendly.

I imagine there has been little or no change in his psychology along the lines of practical statecraft. His true habitat is the world of fancy, where he feels himself protected and led on by benign powers as definitely as was Tobias by the angel. A state of mind like that can be very compelling, and he may witness what the unkind say is his pet ambition - his own apotheosis.

1 President Francisco de la Barra.

2 Written on October 5, 1912.

The dim progression of Mexican events seems to have left his spirits untouched, though his fleshly being must be a mass of blackand-blue spots from the hard facts he bumps into. "One man with a dream at pleasure," but I felt like leaving him a pocket edition of Le Prince.

I thought Madame Madero showed the strain of that climb from obscurity and prison up the via triumphalis to the presidential peaks. The flood of morning light, as we sat on the terrace, did not spare her worn and anxious face. I have an idea that she is very practical, but it is not her practicability, but her husband's dreams, that brought them to Chapultepec. It is a situation to discourage common sense.

I felt how frail her body, but how determined her will as we embraced in the dazzling morning. About us was the perfume of the rare and lovely shrubs of the patio, the splash of the fountain, the singing of birds, the lustrous hills, the shining volcanoes; that crystal air enfolded us, closer than human touch, but beneath us was the restless city and the shifting will of the Mexican people.

105. PROGRESSIVE CONSTITUTIONAL PARTY'S PLATFORM

[August 31, 1911. The Mexican Herald of August 31, 1911. Inclosure clipping in Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1911, 515-516.]

The Progressive Constitutional party of Mexico held its convention in Mexico City in August, 1911. The American chargé d'affaires, Mr. Fred Morris Dearing, explained the nature of the convention and the platform as follows: "The clippings from the local papers which have been forwarded to the Department from time to time will have given the Department a good account as to what took place at the various sessions of the convention, which, however, should be remarked especially on account of its significance as the first untrammeled political convention ever held in this country and the inferences that may be drawn from that fact. The embassy could not, of course, be present at any of the sessions, but it learns from impartial interested observers whose opinion is worthy of

respect that the convention really was free and open and that an admirable temper was displayed. . . . The various sessions, while turbulent at times, were all well conducted and each plank of the party platform was fully discussed before being incorporated. . . . The convention seems to prove the possibility of free political assemblies, and if the expectations it encourages are not illusive, Mexico may be said to have made a great step in advance."1

1. Reestablish the constitution. To reestablish the dignity of the constitution, making effective the duties and rights which it prescribes and, likewise, to establish the independence of the powers of the federation and the responsibilities of public officers.

2. No reelection. To carry out the principles of no reelection of the President and Vice President and to try to make the same reforms effective, in so far as relates to the election of governors of States; to make effective the requirements of citizenship of the Federal District, Territory, or State on the part of deputies and senators.

3. Jefes must go. To secure the reforms in the electoral law so as to make suffrage effective, and to secure greater breadth and liberty for the municipal authorities and to do away with jefaturas and political prefecturas.

4. Free press. To arrange article 7 of the Federal constitution so as

to make the liberty of writing effective.

5. Education. To improve and increase public instruction and to remove the difficulties now in the way of the freedom of instruction.

6. Prohibition. To improve the material, intellectual, and moral conditions of the laboring man, establishing schools for the instruction of arts and crafts, securing the promulgation of pensions or indemnity in the case of accidents to workingmen, and to fight alcoholism and gambling.

7. Indians. The same degree of interest shall be shown in the indigenous race in general, but especially in the Mayas and Yaqui Indians, returning the exiles to their respective places and establishing agricultural colonies on Government land for those who can be secured for such institutions.

8. Mexicanization of railways.

To hasten the Mexicanization of 1 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1911, 516.

the railroads in all departments, establishing for this purpose the special schools which may be deemed necessary.

9. Monopolies. To assist in the development of the national resources; to see that taxes are impartially imposed; to abolish the contract system and to combat all monopolies and special privileges, and above all to see that the public funds are used for the general good of the Nation.

10. Agriculture. To encourage all agricultural and irrigation enterprises, but especially the small farmer, to which end a part of the public funds shall be appropriated. In regard to mining, industries, and commerce, they shall receive concessions which shall insure their development and prosperity.

11. Army. — To study and put into effect the most efficient means for the army, so that it may be better prepared for the exercise of the high mission of being the guardian of the national institutions and the defense of the honor and integrity of the Republic. As one of the principal means of accomplishing this end, military instruction will be given.

12. Foreign relations. To strengthen the relations with foreign nations, especially with those of Latin America, and to direct prudently the policy of the Government so as to bring about the union of the Central American Republics.

I. Judiciary. To reform the organization of the Federal Courts, especially that of the Supreme Court of the Nation for the purpose of facilitating the business which comes under the jurisdiction of this department.

II. Individual guaranties. To reform the laws of procedure in the civil and penal codes so as to expedite the business transactions and to give greater guaranties to individual liberty.

III. Civil court. To reestablish the judicial protection [amparo] in all its amplitude in civil matters. These were previously restricted so as to serve the interests of tyranny.

IV. Farm laws. — To make laws which will be helpful in the establishment of and the support of small agricultural interests.

V. Owners' protection. — To form laws which shall guarantee the rights of possession and give greater protection of landed properties.

VI. Taxes.

To make fiscal laws which shall place an equal tax

upon the large and the small property owners.

To comply strictly with the laws of reform.

106. THE PLAN OF GUADALUPE

[March 26, 1913. Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1914, 589-590, note 58.]

General Venustiano Carranza was governor of the state of Coahuila when, early in the year 1913, General Victoriano Huerta overthrew the Madero government. Carranza refused to adhere to the government of Huerta and announced on February 19 that the state of Coahuila would not support this new government. He invited the governors of other states to join him in opposition to it. He was supported by Governor Maytorena of Sonora and by Generals Álvaro Obregón, Benjamin Hill, and Salvador Alvarado in Sonora. Francisco Villa, in Chihuahua, opposed General Huerta. On March 26 the Plan of Guadalupe, given below, was proclaimed.

Plan of Guadalupe, signed by sixty-four officers of the troops of the State of Coahuila, on March 26, 1913.

DECLARATION TO THE NATION

Whereas, General Victoriano Huerta to whom Francisco I. Madero, Constitutional President of Mexico, entrusted the defense of the institutions and legality of his Government on uniting with the rebel enemies in arms opposing the same Government, to restore the former dictatorship, committed the crimes of treason to reach power, by arresting the President and Vice President, as well as the members of the Cabinet, forcing them under duress to resign their posts, as shown by messages addressed by the same General Huerta to governors of the States, advising them that he had the Chief Executive of the Republic and the Cabinet as his prisoners; and,

Whereas, the legislative and judicial powers have recognized and protected General Huerta and his illegal and anti-patriotic proceedings, contrary to constitutional laws and precepts; and,

Whereas, several governors of States of the Republic have recognized