He lamented that any obstacle should have occurred to delay the final ratification of the treaty which had been lately entered into with America on this subject. Of these obstacles he did not complain, because they could not be remedied, and arose out of the nature of the American form of government. The papers containing the negociations on this subject would be laid before the house, and they would see the nature of the obstacles which had arisen. It would appear that a treaty which had been ratified by his Majesty, had been sent back with alterations, and not in minor points, but one which was most important, as it referred to the recognition of the right of search-a point which had been suggested by America herself. This delay arose out of the form of the American government rendering it necessary that a treaty, ratified by one party, and exchanged, should be afterwards submitted to the ratification, of another. His Majesty's ministers did, on this occasion, that which was highly honourable to themselves. They offered to cancel the former treaty, and to make a new one on the basis of that which had been returned, adopting all its alterations, except that one which referred to the right of search; and it was to be hoped that the negociations pending on the question would arrive at a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. He now came to a part of the speech which he had no doubt would be received with unmixed gratification by the house. It was that in which his Majesty's intention to enter into commercial relations with those South American provinces which had esta

blished their independence, was announced. It was unnecessary, in addressing the representatives of the first trading people in the world, to point out the advantages of such relations. Without them, in the present improved state of the South American States, the merchant who traded with them must become an adventurer, and commerce itself be turned into speculation. speculation. In coming to this decision, deep deliberation was necessary. No one could be surprised that government finally adopted a course of policy which arose out of the altered condition of the provinces, and had become necessary to the new situation in which we stood with respect to them; but, as he had already observed, the most serious consideration was required before that course was pursued. It would be unnecessary to state, that it never was the intention of Great Britain to interfere between the colonies and the mother country. At a time when a strong disposition existed in England to fit out armaments for the assistance of the Spanish colonies, a bill was introduced for the purpose of more fully declaring the neutrality of the British government, and for preventing, as much as possible, British subjects from engaging in it. That bill excited very great opposition, but was eventually carried; but at the time it was passed, all the events which have since happened in that country were foreseen, and the consequences calculated with mathematical accuracy; and it was anticipated, though it would not be right at that period for this country to take any part in the struggle, yet that the time would come when

the

the relative situation of both parties would be altered, and a different policy pursued. The advantages to be derived to us from our intercourse with those states were great, and would continue to increase every day. Trade and commerce at home and abroad were flourishing to a very wide extent. The spirit of enterprise was daily increasing-what limits might be set to it, he would leave to the Halls and the Humboldts of the day. He could not say to what lengths it would be carried; but even if pressed to a greater extent, there was still a wide field open for commercial speculation. The ground for it was still unexhausted, and with all that had been done, enough was left untried to give life and energy to the enter prise of those yet unborn. The noble lord, after thanking the house for the patience with which they had attended to him, concluded by moving the address.

Mr. Alderman Thompson rose to second the address, which had been moved by his noble friend. He referred to the peaceful state of France, to the condition of the South American states, and to the generally improving state of the country, in proof whereof, he would advert to the increase of our revenue: the branch of excise, which afforded the best test of internal prosperity, alone had exceeded the amount of the preceding year, by upwards of 1,100,000l.; and the customs, after deducting the repeal of duties within the year, to the amount of 1,250,000l., only fell short of that of the preceding year 166,4851. Consequently there was an increase in that department of our revenue nearly equal to that in the excise. These 1825.

formed a just and unerring criterion of the increasing prosperity of our foreign and domestic trade; but indeed it was unnecessary to have reference to such proofswhatever part of England you visited, there were presented to your view a happy, contented, and industrious population; whether they were employed in the manufactories of our great staples, or in the cultivation of the soil, the scene was equally gratifying. What a pleasing contrast did the present state of the country form to that of the year 1820, a period within the age of the present parliament. Within the short period of five years, he had heard gentlemen, whose opinions had justly been entitled to great weight and authority, declare that England was a declining country,- that in commerce, manufactures and navigation, she was incapable of entering into successful competition with any foreign rivals,-that the means by which she must sustain her public credit were rapidly diminishing. He begged leave to remind the house of the gloomy predictions with which it was assailed from certain of the manufacturing and shipping interests, at a period when the important improvements in our navigation laws, warehouse system, duties, &c. were under the consideration of parliament predictions, which had no other foundation than in the hereditary attachment to ancient prejudices, unsuited to the present times, and unsound in principle. And might he not now ask triumphantly, how had these gloomy predictions been verified? If not, he would entreat their attention for a short time, whilst he detailed to the house the happy

effect which had resulted to the country, principally from the improved state of our commercial code. In the first place, the official value of the exports of British manufactured goods during the year 1824, ending in October last, being the latest periods at which the public accounts had been made up, as compared with the preceding year, 1823, exhibited an increase of no less than four millions and a half sterling, bringing the total value of exports in 1824 to 50,758,800l., being by far the largest export ever made by this country. The transit trade had also, under the beneficial influence of the improving warehousing system, experienced a marked increase; the act only took effect in July 1823, and in 1824, as compared with a like period of twelve months preceding, in 1823, there was an increase in value of upwards of one million two hundred thousand pounds. The sound policy of diminishing duties on the raw material, acted upon by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had been most fully exemplified in the following articles; in consequence of that diminution, and the increased encouragement thereby given to the industry of the country, duties were paid upon nearly half a million of pounds weight of silk more than in 1823, and on sheep's wool, upwards of five millions of pounds weight since the last session of parliament. The consumption of colonial rum had also increased during the same period 165,700 gallons. With respect to our shipping interests, they were all in a state of rapid improvement. About 200 more merchant-vessels, yielding about 40,000 tons, had

been constructed, during the last twelve months, in England and Scotland alone, as compared with the preceding year. The value of shipping, according to their respective tonnage, had risen from twenty to forty per cent.: and ships employed in the timber trade, the owners of which it had been predicted would be ruined by the alteration of the timber duties, and reciprocity of duties' act, had risen full sixty per cent. in value; freights had increased twenty per cent., and there was plenty of employment. Of the increased trade of the country, the port of London had its full share during the last year, as compared with the preceding; 2,800 more vessels entered the port from foreign and home ports; and if but due encouragement were given to an extension of the wet-dock accommodation, so highly essential to the trade of the metropolis, and the places of deposit for landing, the rates and charges of the port would undergo material reduction; and thus, by inviting the foreign merchant to avail himself of our capital, and the facilities offered to trade under our improved commercial code, we should soon compete with our neighbouring continental rivals. The improved and improving state of the revenue of the country would, it was hoped, enable his Majesty's government to proceed progressively with a diminution of taxation. The right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer most decidedly enjoyed the full confidence of the country: and I am satisfied," continued the hon. member, "he will not disappoint the just expectations the country may have formed. The prosperous state and improving condition of

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our agricultural interests form a topic of pleasing reflection: I am anxious, however, to state my opinion, that such prosperity is not in any manner attributable to the existing corn laws, which, I believe, it is admitted by all parties ought to undergo alteration. I am an advocate for their repeal, and the substitution of a protecting duty equal to a fair equivalent of the poor rates, tithes, &c. paid by our farmers as compared with other countries. I repeat, sir, if the situation of the country in 1820 was correctly portrayed (the period to which I have first alluded), how pleasing is the present contrast. Our trade last year has increased to an extent unprecedented; and, happily, England no longer cherishes visionary notions of advantage from commercial monopoly. The men who guide our councils, the merchants who invigorate our national industry, concur in disclaiming the doctrines of prohibition and restrictions. I will venture, without flattery, to say of England what the people of Rome said of one of their emperors with a great deal of flattery

"Nil criturum alias, nil ortum tale fatentes."

The Speaker then read the address from the chair, and having put the question upon it,

Mr. Brougham rose to address the house. He regretted to state, that he was under the necessity, not only of expressing his dissent from, but also of entering his solemn protest against, some, and those not the least important, parts of the speech which had just been read to them. He felt, however, great satisfaction in being able, before he stated them,

to

to take notice, which he should do as shortly and clearly as he could, of those parts of the address to which he could give his most cordial and willing assent. The hon. gentleman then referred to the principles of free trade, the recognition of the South American states, and the opposition slavery, as points in which he agreed with the sentiments of the speech. With regard to the catholic emancipation, he believed from his Majesty's conduct with respect to Hanover, where he had removed every disqualification upon account of creed, that he was favourable to it, and that ministers only opposed it. He objected to putting down the Catholic Association, and thought they could not draw the line between this and such societies as the Bible Society. That minister was not worthy of the credit which would attach to the very meanest and least significant of those measures which had been introduced for the comparatively light purpose of benefiting commerce, who could hope, by the adoption of violent means in putting down the Catholic Association, to satisfy the demand which was made upon him for the adoption of a policy really liberal. That was the proper remedy, and no other would have the effect. The associations might be put down in eight-andforty hours. It was their own fault that they were there. Let it once be seen that the government and the parliament were sincere in their design of yielding emancipation-let the conviction once take effect that justice would be secured by the enforcement of equal and effectual laws, and there would be an immediate end to associations.

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associations. That they might be wise enough to yield in time to the reasonable petition of six millions of their oppressed subjects, was rather his earnest prayer and ardent wish than his belief. He knew for certain that many gentlemen, who could not attend on account of their various affairs, would, had they been present, have supported the protest which he had judged it advisable to make, by their votes. It was with a view to secure due weight and consideration for their votes and opinions, and to prevent the catholics from erroneously supposing that their cause was more feebly supported than agreed with the fact it was by these circumstances only that he was prevented from taking the sense of the house upon the subject. He requested pardon of the house for detaining them so long. His conscience prompted him to call upon them to adopt this as the fittest time for conciliation and redress; while, as to the policy hitherto pursued, and for aught he knew yet to be continued, he was determined to relieve his own mind from the guilty responsibility of acquiescence.

Mr. Canning considered the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman opposite as directed rather against errors, supposed or imputed, which were not of so serious a nature as to tempt him to violate the unanimity which at present prevailed. It might be taken in the light of notices for discussion for the future, of the various topics upon which he touched, He had reviewed the principal topics of the speech, visiting some with no very gracious approbation, and treating

others with no very sparing reprobation. With respect to one subject-that of catholic emancipation-professing, as he had at all times, to support it, he must still reserve to himself the right of judging for himself as to the time the most proper for giving effect to that support; nor could he on any account consent to take his instructions from the hon. and learned gentleman. learned gentleman. Upon that part of the speech which referred to Catholic Associations, he had no hesitation in expressing, that so far from the Catholic Association being identified with the interests of the catholic people, its institution, and the conduct of its members, more resembled the scheme of an enemy, who had devised this as the best invention for throwing back and thwarting the further progress of the question of emancipation in this country. If the worst enemy of the Roman-catholic religion had purposely sat down to devise means to exasperate opposition to that measure, he could not have hit upon means more certain-he could not have imagined a plan so successfully mischievous as the institution and conduct of the Catholic Association. To one argument of the hon. and learned gentleman, he would advert to as particularly deserving of an answer, being connected with a subject to which he and his colleagues had given their most serious consideration. They had asked themselves, if no steps were taken by the government for that purpose, might not the mischief die away of itself? That, for a time, was his sincere opinion. He appealed for proofs of it to his conduct in the last session of Parliament.

Had