vulsed the Union and shaken it to the very center. This was the question which had lighted the flames of civil war in Kansas and had produced dangerous sectional parties throughout the confederacy. It was of a character so paramount in respect to the condition of Kansas, as to rivet the anxious attention of the people of the whole country upon it and it alone-no person thought of any other question. For my own part, when I instructed Governor Walker in general terms in favor of submitting the constitution to the people, I had no object in view except the all-absorbing question of Slavery. In what manner the people of Kansas might regulate their other concerns, was not the subject which attracted my attention. In fact, the general provisions of our recent State constitutions, after an experience of eighty years, are so similar and excellent that it would be difficult to go far wrong at the present day in framing a new constitution. I then believed, and still believe, that, under the organic act, the Kansas Convention were bound to submit this all-important question of Slavery to the people. It was never, however, my opinion that, independently of this act, they would have been bound to submit any portion of the constitution to a popular vote in order to give it validity. Had I entertained such an opinion, this would have been in opposition to many precedents in our history, commencing in the very best age of our Republic. It would have been in opposition to the principle which pervades our institutions, and which is every day carried into practice, that the people have a right to delegate to the representatives chosen by themselves their sovereign power to frame constitutions, enact laws, and perform many other important acts, without requiring that these should be subjected to their subsequent approbation. It would be a most inconvenient limitation of their own power, imposed by the people upon themselves, to exclude them from exercising their sovereignty in any lawful manner which they think proper. It is true that the people of Kansas might, if they had pleased, have required the Convention to submit the constitution to a popular vote, but this they have not done. The only remedy, therefore, in this case is that which exists in all other similar cases. If the delegates who framed the Kansas Constitution have in any manner violated the will of their constituents, the people always possess the power to change their constitution or laws according to their own pleasure. The question of Slavery was submitted to an election of the people on the 21st of December last, in obedience to the mandate of the Convention. Here, again, a fair opportunity was presented to the adherents of the Topeka Constitution, if they were the majority, to decide this exciting question "in their own way," and thus restore peace to the distracted Territory; but they again refused to exercise the right of Popular Sovereignty, and again suffered the election to pass by default. I heartily rejoice that a wiser and better spirit prevailed among a large majority of these people on the first Monday in January, and that they did on that day vote under the Lecompton Constitution for a Governor and other State officers, a member of Congress, and for members of the Legislature. This election was warmly contested by the parties, and a larger vote polled than at any previous election in the Territory. We may now reasonably hope that the revolutionary Topeka organization will be speedily and finally abandoned, and this will go far toward a final settlement of the unhappy differences in Kansas. If frauds have been committed at this election by one or both parties, the legislature and people of Kansas, under their constitution, will know how to redress themselves and punish these detestable but too common crimes without outside interference. The people of Kansas have, then, "in their own way," and in strict accordance with the organic act, framed a Constitution and State Government, have submitted the all-important question of Slavery to the people, and have elected a Governor, a member to represent them in Congress, members of the State Legislature and other State officers; and they now ask admission into the Union under this constitution, which is republican in its form. It is for Congress to decide whether they will admit or reject the State which has thus been created. be banished from the halls of Congress, where it has always exerted a baneful influence throughout the whole country. It is proper that I should briefly refer to the election held under the act of the Territorial Legislature on the first Monday of January last on the Lecompton Constitution. This election was held after the Territory had been prepared for admission into the Union as a Sovereign State, and when no authority existed in the Territorial Legislature which could possibly destroy its existence or change its character. The election, which was peaceably conducted under my instructions, involved strange inconsistencies. A large majority of the persons who voted against the Lecompton Constitution were at the same time and place recognizing its valid existence in the most solid and authentic manner by voting under its provisions. I have yet received no official information of the result of this election. As a question of expediency, after right has been maintained, it may be wise to reflect upon the benefits to Kansas and the whole country that will result from its immediate admission into the Union, as well as the disasters that may follow its rejection. Domestic peace will be the happy consequence of the admission, and that fine Territory, which has hitherto been torn by dissensions, will rapidly increase in population and wealth, and speedily realize the blessings and comforts which follow in the train of agricultural and mechanical industry. The people, then, will be sovereign, and can regulate their affairs in their own way. If the majority of them desire to abolish domestic Slavery within the State, there is no other possible mode by which it can be effected so speedily as by prompt admission. The will of the majority is supreme and irresistible, when expressed in an orderly and lawful manner. It can make and unmake constitutions at pleasure. It would be absurd to say that they can impose fetters upon their own power which they cannot afterward remove. If they could do this, they might tie their own hands just as well for a hundred as for ten years. These are the fundamental principles of American freedom, and are recognized, I believe, in some form or other by every State constitution; and if Congress, in the act of admission, should think proper to recognize them, I can perceive no objection. This has been done emphatically in the constitution of Kausas. It declares in its bill of rights that "All political power is inherent in the people," and all free governments are founded on their authority and instituted for their benefir, and therefore have at all times an inalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform and abolish their form of government, in such manner as they may think proper. The great State of New-York is at this moment governed under a constitution framed and established in direct opposition to a mode prescribed by the previous constitution. If, therefore, a provision changing the constitution of Kansas after the year 1864, could by possibility be construed into a prohibition to make such change previous to that period, this prohibition would be wholly unavailing. The legislature already elected may, at its very first session, submit the question to a vote of the people, whether they will or not have a convention, to amend their constitution, and adopt all necessary means for giving effect to the popular will. It has been solemnly adjudged, by the highest judicial tribunal known to our laws, that Slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States. Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a Slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. Without this, the equality of the Sovereign States composing the Union would be violated, and the use and enjoyment of a Territory acquired by the common treasure of all the States, would be closed against the people and property of nearly half the members of the Confederacy. Slavery can, therefore, never be prohibited in Kansas, except through the means of a constitutional provision; and in no other manner can this be obtained so promptly, if the majority of the people desire it, as by admitting her into the Union under her present constitution. On the other hand, should Congress reject the constitution, under the idea of affording the disaffected in Kansas a third opportunity to prohibit Slavery in the State, which they might have done twice For my own part, I am decidedly in favor of its admis before if in the majority, no man can foretell the consesion, and thus terminating the Kansas question. This quences. If Congress, for the sake of those men who rewill carry out the great principle of Non-Intervention fused to vote for delegates to the convention, when they recognized and sanctioned by the organic act, which might have excluded Slavery from the constitution, and declares in express language in favor of the non-inter- who afterward refused to vote on the 21st of December, vention of Congress with Slavery in the States and when they might, as they claim, have stricken Slavery Territories, leaving the people "perfectly free to form from the constitution, should now reject the State beand regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, cause Slavery remains in the constitution, it is manifest subject only to the Constitution of the United States." In that the agitation upon this dangerous subject will be rethis manner, by localizing the question of Slavery and newed in a more alarming form than it has ever yet confining it to the people who it immediately concerned, assumed. Every patriot in the country had indulged the every patriot anxiously expected that this question would hope that the Kansas-Nebraska Act would have put a bitterness-this will arise from a cause, so far as the in-refusal to comply with the direction of such laws, to final end to the Slavery agitation, at least in Congress, which had for more than twenty years convulsed the country and endangered the Union. This act involved great and fundamental principles, and, if fairly carried into effect, will settle the question. Should agitation be again revived-should the people of sister States be again estranged from each other with more than their former They shall have power to permit the owners of slaves to emancipate them, saving the rights of creditors, and preventing them from becoming a public charge. They shall have power to oblige the owners of slaves to treat them with humanity-to provide for their necessary food and clothing-to abstain from all injuries to them, extending to life or limb-and, in case of neglect or terests of Kansas are concerned, more trifling and insignificant than has ever stirred the elements of a great people into commotion. To the people of Kansas, the only practical difference between admission or rejection, depends simply upon the fact whether they can themselves more speedily change their present Constitution if it does not accord with the will of the majority, or frame a second Constitution to be submitted to Congress hereafter. Even if this were a question of mere expediency and not of right, a small difference of time one way or the other, is not of the least importance, when contrasted with the evils which must necessarily result to the whole country from the revival of the Slavery agitation. In considering this question, it should never be forgotten that in proportion, to its insignificance, let the decision be what it may, so far as it may affect a few thousand inhabitants of Kansas, who have from the beginning resisted the Constitution and the laws, for this very reason the rejection of the Constitution will be so much the more keenly felt by the people of fourteen States of the Union where Slavery is recognized under the Constitution of the United States. Again the speedy admission of Kansas into the Union will restore peace and quiet to the whole country. Already the affairs of this Territory have engrossed an undue proportion of public attention. They have sadly affected the friendly relations of the people of the States with each other and alarmed the fears of patriots for the safety of the Union. Kansas once admitted into the Union, the excitement becomes localized and would soon die away for want of outside aliment, and then every difficulty could be settled by the ballot-box. Besides, and no trifling consideration, I shall then be enabled to withdraw the troops from Kansas, and employ them on a service where they are much needed. They have kept there on the earnest importunity of Governor Walker, to maintain the existence of the Territorial Government, and secure the execution of the laws. He considered at least two thousand regular troops, under the command of General Harney, were necessary for this purpose. Acting upon his reliable information, I have been obliged in some degree, to interfere with the expedition to Utah in order to keep down the rebellion in Kansas. This has involved very heavy expenses to the Government. Kansas once admitted, it is believed there will no longer be occasion there for the troops. I have thus performed my duty on this important question under a deep sense of my responsibility to God and to the country. My public life will terminate in a brief period, and I have no other object of earthly ambition than to leave my country in a peaceful and prosperous condition, and to live in the affections and respect of my countrymen. The dark and ominous clouds now impending over the Union I conscientiously believe will be dissipated with honor to every portion of it by the admission of Kansas during the present session of Congress; whereas, if she should be rejected, I greatly fear these clouds become darker and more than any which have ever yet threatened the Constitution and the Union. (Signed) JAMES BUCHANAN. The Lecompton Constitution contains a provision on the subject of Slavery, as follows: SLAVERY. §1. The right of property is before and higher than any constitutional sanction, and the right of the owner of a slave to such a slave and its increase is the same, and is inviolable, as the right of the owner of any pro perty whatever. §2. The Legislature shall have no power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their owners, or without paying their owners, previous to emancipation, a full equivalent in money for the slaves so emancipated. They shall have no power to prevent emigrants to the State from bringing with them such persons as are deemed slaves by the laws of any one of the United States or Territories so long as any persons of the same age or description shall be continued slaves by the laws of this State; provided, that such person or slave be the bona fide property of such emigrant; and provided, also, that laws may be passed to prohibit the introduction of slaves into this State who have committed high crimes in other States or Territories. have such slave or slaves sold for the benefit of the owner or owners. §3. In the prosecution of slaves for crimes of higher grade than petit larceny, the Legislature shall have no power to deprive them of an impartial trial by a petit jury. § 4. Any person who shall dismember or deprive a slave of life shall suffer such punishment as would be inflicted in case the like offense had been committed on a free white person, and on the like proof, except in case of insurrection of such slave. This provision, and this provision alone, it was finally determined by a close vote to submit to the registered electors. For this purpose, by the terms of a schedule annexed to the Constitution, an election was to be held on the 21st of December. The ballots cast were to be indorsed either "Constitution with Slavery," or "Constitution with No Slavery." Thus to have the privilege of voting No Slavery, it was still made necessary to vote for the Constitution, beside which, all persons offering to vote must, if challenged, "take an oath to support the Constitution if adopted." If the number of votes "for the Constitution without Slavery" should be a majority, then the schedule provides, that "The rights of property in slaves now in the Territory, shall in no manner be interfered with." Making it impossible to abolish Slavery. This schedule, as if with a direct view of superseding the Territorial Legislature and Congressional delegate elect, further provided that the Constitution shall be in force "after its ratification by the people" (without waiting for the approval of Congress) a State election to be held on the first Monday in January, 1858, for the choice of a Governor, LieutenantGovernor, Secretary of State, Auditor, State Treasurer, and members of the Legislature, and also a member of Congress. It also provided (as if to deprive the Territorial Legislature of all power of acting) that all laws in force not repugnant to the Constitution shall continue until altered, amended or repealed by a Legislature assembled under the provisions of this Constitution; military, under the authority of the Territory of Kansas, shall continue to hold and exercise their respective offices until superseded by the authority of the State: the first meeting of the State Legislature to take place upon the issue of a proclamation by the President of the Convention, upon the receipt of official information that Congress has admitted Kansas into the Union. A provision is also inserted intended to prevent any amendment previous to the year 1864, and then only upon the concurrence of two-thirds of the members of both houses, and "a majority of all the citizens of the State." and that all officers, civil or LECOMPTON AND ENGLISH BILLS. The following record of the action of Congress on the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, will be interesting for future reference. TENNESSEE.-BELL. VERMONT. Collamer, Foot. WISCONSIN.-Durkee, Doolittle. To The original bill, as it passed the Senate ISLAND.-Simmons. under the lead of Senator Green (March 23, 1858), was as follows: THE LECOMPTON BILL. A Bill for the Admission of the State of Kansas into the Union, presented in the Senate by Mr. Green, of Missouri, from the Committee on Territories, February 17, 1858. Whereas, The people of the Territory of Kansas did, tal, 25. ABSENT OR NOT VOTING.-Messrs. Bates (Del.), Reid (N. C.), Davis (Mi.), Cameron (Pa.) Mr. Cameron paired off with Mr. Davis. Previous to taking this vote, Mr. Crittenden moved a substitute for the bill, in substance, that the Constitution be submitted to the people at once, and, if approved, the President to. admit Kansas by proclamation. If rejected, the people to call a Convention and frame a Constitution. The substitute made special provision against frauds at the election. by a Convention of Delegates called and assembled at Lecompton, September 4, 1857, form for themselves a Constitution and State Government, which said Convention having asked the admission of the Territory into the Union as a State on an equal footing with the original Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the State of Kansas shall be, and is hereby declared to be, one of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal foot-reading having been objected to by Mr. Gid States, ing with the original States, in all respects whatever; and the said State shall consist of all the territory included within the following boundaries, to wit: Beginning at a point on the western boundary of the State of Missouri where the thirty-seventh parallel of latitude crosses the same; thence west on said parallel to the eastern boundary of New Mexico; thence north on said boundary to latitude thirty-eight; thence following said boundary westward to the eastern boundary of the Territory of Utah, on the summit of the Rocky Mountains; thence northward on said summit to the fortieth parallel of latitude; thence east on said parallel boundary of the State of Missouri; thence south with the westward boundary of said State, to the place of begin ning: §2. And be it further enacted, That the State of Kansas is admitted into the Union upon the express con dition that said State shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the public lands, or with any regulations which Congress may find necessary for securing title in said lands to the bona fide purchasers and grantees thereof, or impose or levy any tax, assessment, or imposition of any description whatsoever upon them, or other property of the United States, within the limits of said State; and that nothing in this act shall be construed to abridge or infringe any right of the people asserted in the Constitution of Kansas, at all times, to alter, reform or abolish their form of government in such manner as they may think proper, Congress hereby disclaiming any authority to intervene or declare the construction of the Constitution of any State, except to see that it is republican in form and not in conflict with the Constitution of the United States; and nothing in this act shall be construed as an assent by Congress to all or to any of the propositions or claims contained in the ordinance annexed to the Constitution of the people of Kansas, nor to deprive the said State of Kansas of the same grants which were contained in said act of Congress, entitled, "An act to authorize the people of the Territory of Minnesota to form a Constitution and State Government, preparatory to admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States," approved February 26, 1858. §3. And be it further enacted, That until the next general census shall be taken, and an apportionment of representation made, the State of Kansas shall be entitled to one Representative in the House of Representatives of the United States. The bill passed, 33 to 25, as follows: YEAS FOR LECOMPTON. ALABAMA.-Fitzpatrick, Clay. ARKANSAS.-Sebastian, Johnson. CALIFORNIA.-Gwin. DELAWARE.-Bayard. FLORIDA.-Mallory, Yulee. GEORGIA.-Iverson, Toombs. INDIANA.-Fitch, Bright. Iowa.-Jones. KENTUCKY.THOMPSON. LOUISIANA. Benjamin, Slidell. MARYLAND. -Pearce, KENNEDY. MISSISSIPPI.-Brown. MISSOURI.Green, Polk. NEW-JERSEY.-Wright, Thomson. NORTH CAROLINA -Biggs. PENNSYLVANIA.-Bigler. RHODE ISLAND.-Allen. SOUTH CAROLINA.-Evans, Hammond. TENNESSEE.-Johnson. TEXAS.-Henderson, HOUSTON. VIRGINIA.-Mason, Hunter. Total, 33, NAYS-AGAINST LECOMPTON. CALIFORNIA.-Broderick. CONNECTICUT.-Foster, Dixon. ILLINOIS.-Douglas, Trumbull. Iowa.--Harlan. KENTUCKY. CRITTENDEN. MAINE. Fessenden, Hamlin. MASSACHUSETTS. - Wilson, Sumner. MICHIGAN. Stuart, Chandler. NEW-HAMPSHIRE. -Hale, Clark. NEWYORK, Seward, King. OHIO.-Pugh, Wade. RHODE This substitute was lost: Yeas, 24; Nays, 34. On the first of April, the bill was taken up in the House and read once, when, its second dings, the question recurred under the rule, Shall the bill be rejected? A vote was taken and resulted, Yeas, 95; Nays, 137. Mr. Montgomery, of Pa., offered as a substitute, with slight alterations, the bill which Mr. Crittenden had offered in the Senate. Mr. Quitman, of Mississippi, also offered a substitute, which was the same as the Senate bill, with the omission of the declaratory clause, "that the people shall have the right at all times to alter or amend the Constitution in such manner as they think proper," etc. Mr. Quitman's substitute was lost-Yeas, 72; Nays, 160, the yeas being all from the Slave States, and Mr. Montgomery's was adopted, 120 to 112. The Crittenden-Montgomery substitute, as it passed the House, was in the following words: § 1. Be it enacted, etc., That the State of Kansas be, and is hereby, admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever; but inasmuch as it is greatly disputed whether the Constitution framed at Lecompton on the 7th day of November last, and now pending before Congress, was fairly made, or expressed the will of the people of Kansas, this admission of her into the Union as a State is here declared to be upon this fundamental condition precedent, namely: That the said constitutional instrument shall be first submitted to a vote of the people of Kansas, and assented to by them, or a majority of the voters, at an election to be held for the purpose; and as soon as such assent shall be given, and duly made known, by a majority of the Commissioners herein appointed, to the President of the United States, he shall announce the same by proclamation, and thereafter, without any further proceedings. on the part of Congress, the admission of the said State of Kansas into the Union upon an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever, shall be complete and absolute. At the said election the voting shall be by ballot, and by indorsing on his ballot as each voter may please, "for the Constitution," or " against the Constitution." Should the said Constitution be rejected at the said election by a majority of votes being cast against it, then, and in that event, the inhabitants of said Territory are hereby authorized and empowered to form for themselves a Constitution and State Government by the name of the State of Kansas, according to the Federal Constitution, and to that end may elect delegates to a convention as hereinafter provided. § 2. And be it further enacted, That the said State of Kansas shall have concurrent jurisdiction on the Missouri and all other rivers and waters bordering on the said State of Kansas, so far as the same shall form a common boundary to said State and any other State or States now or hereafter to be formed or bounded by the same; and said rivers and waters, and all the navigable waters of said State, shall be common highways and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of said State as to all other citizens of the United States, without any tax, duty, impost, or toll therefor. §3. And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of insuring, as far as possible, that the elections authorized by this act may be fair and free, the Governor and the Secretary of the Territory of Kansas, and the presiding officers of the two branches of its Legislature, namely the President of the Council and Speaker of the House of | vices the same compensation as is given for like services Representatives, are hereby constituted a board of commissioners to carry into effect the provisions of this act, and to use all the means necessary and proper to that end. Any three of them shall constitute a Board; and the board shall have power and authority, in respect to each and all of the elections hereby authorized or provided for, to designate and establish precincts for voting, or to adopt those already established; to cause polls to be opened at such places as it may deem proper in the respective counties and election precincts of said Territory; to appoint, as judges of election at each of the several places of voting, three discreet and respectable persons, any two of whom shall be competent to act; to require the Sheriffs of the several counties, by themselves or deputies, to attend the judges at each of the places of voting, for the purpose of preserving peace and good order, or the said Board may, instead of said Sheriffs and their deputies, appoint, at their discretion, and in such instances as they may choose, other fit persons for the same purpose; and when the purpose of the election is to elect delegates to a Convention to form a Constitution, as hereinbefore provided for, the number of delegates shall be sixty, and they shall be apportioned by said Board among the under the Territorial laws. § 7. And be it further enacted, That the said State of Kansas, when her admission as a State becomes complete and absolute, shall be entitled to one member in the House of Representatives, in the Congress of the United States, till the next census be taken by the Federal Government. § 8. And be it further enacted, That the following propositions be, and the same are hereby offered to the said people of Kansas for their free acceptance or rejection, which, if accepted, shall be obligatory on the United States and upon the said State of Kansas, to wit: First, That the sections numbered sixteen and thirty-six in every township of public lands in said State, and where either of said sections, or any part thereof has been sold or otherwise disposed of, other lands equivalent thereto, and as contiguous as may be, shall be granted to said State for the use of schools. Second, That seventy-two sections of land shall be set apart and reserved for the use and support of a State University, to be selected by the Governor of said State, subject to the approval of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, and to be appropriated and applied in such manner as the Legis several counties of said Territory, according to the num-lature of said State may prescribe for the purpose afore ber of voters; and in making this apportionment, the Board may join two or more counties together to make an election or representative district, where neither of the said counties has the requisite number of voters to entitle it to a delegate, or to join a smaller to a larger county having a surplus population, where it may serve to equalize the representation. The elections hereby authorized shall continue one day only, and shall not be continued later than sundown on that day. The said Board shall appoint the day of election for each of the elections hereby authorized, as the same may become necessary. The said Governor shall announce, by proclamation, the day appointed for any one of said elections, and the day shall be as early a one as is consistent with due notice thereof to the people of said Territory, subject to the provisions of this act. The said Board shall have full power to prescribe the time, manner and places of each of said elections, and to direct the time and manner of the returns thereof, which returns shall be made to the said Board, whose duty it shall be to announce the result by proclamation, and to appoint therein as early a day as practicable for the delegates elected (where the election has been for delegates) to assemble in Convention at the seat of Government of said Territory. When so assembled, the Convention shall first determine, by a vote, whether it is the wish of the proposed State to be admitted into the Union at that time; and if so, shall proceed to form a Constitution, and take all necessary steps for the establishment of a State Government, in conformity with the Federal Constitution, subject to the approval and ratification of the people of the proposed State. And the said Convention shall accordingly provide for its submission to the vote of the people for approval or rejection; and if the majority of votes shall be given for the Constitution so framed as aforesaid, the Governor of the Territory shall, within twenty days after the result is known, notify the President of the United States of the same. And thereupon the President shall announce the same by proclamation, and thereafter, and without any further proceedings whatever on the part of Congress, the admission of the said State of Kansas into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, shall be complete and absolute. §4. And be it further enacted, That in the elections hereby authorized, all white male inhabitants of said Territory over the age of twenty-one years, who are legal voters under the laws of the Territory of Kansas, and none others, shall be allowed to vote; and this shall be the only qualification required to entitle the voter to the right of suffrage in said elections. And if any person not so qualified shall vote or offer to vote, or if any person shall vote more than once at either of said elections, or shall make, or cause to be made, any false, fictitious or fraudulent returns, or shall alter or change any returns of either of said elections, such person shall, upon conviction thereof before any court of competent jurisdiction, be kept at hard labor not less than six months, and not more than three years. §5. And be it further enacted, That the members of the aforesaid Board of Commissioners, and all persons appointed by them to carry into effect the provisions of this act, shall, before entering upon their duties, take an oath to perform faithfully the duties of their respective offices; and on failure thereof, they shall be liable and subject to the same charges and penalties as are provided n like cases under the Territorial laws. § 6. And be it further enacted, That the officers mentioned in the preceding section shall receive for their ser said, but for no other purposes. Third, That ten entire sections of land, to be selected by the Governor of said State, in legal subdivisions, shall be granted to said State for the purpose of completing the public buildings, or for the erection of others at the seat of government, under the direction of the Legislature thereof. Fourth, That all salt springs within said State, not exceeding twelve in number, with six sections of land adjoining, or as contiguous as may be to each, shall be granted to said State for its use; the same to be selected by the Governor thereof within one year after the admission of said State, and when so selected, to be used or disposed of on such terms, conditions and regulations as the Legislature shall direct: Provided, That no salt springs or land the right whereof is now vested in any individual or individuals, or which may be hereafter be confirmed or adjudged to any individual or individuals, shall by this article be granted to said State. Fifth, That five per centum of the net proceeds of sales of all public lands lying within said States, which shall be sold by Congress after the admission of said State into the Union, after deducting all the expenses incident to the same, shall be paid to said State, for the purpose of making public roads and internal improvements, as the Legislature shall direct: Provided, The foregoing propositions hereinbefore offered are on the condition that the people of Kansas shall provide, by an ordinance, irrevocable without the consent of the United States, that said State shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil within the same, by the United States, or with any regulations Congress may find necessary for securing the title in said soil to bon fide purchasers thereof, and that no tax shall be imposed on lands belonging to the United States, and that in no case shall non-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. Sixth: And that the said S ate shall never tax the lands or the property of the United States in that State: Provided however, That nothing in this act of admission shall be so construed as to ratify or accept the ordinance attached to said Constitution; but said ordinance is hereby rejected by the Government of the United States. The following are the Yeas and Nays: YEAS-TO AMEND OR SUBSTITUTE. CALIFORNIA. -McKibbin-1. CONNECTICUT. - Clark, Dean-2. ILLINOIS.-Elihu Washburne, Farnsworth, Lovejoy, Kellogg, Morris, Harris, Shaw, Robert Smith, Sam. S. Marshall-9. INDIANA.-English, Foley, Kilgore, J. G. Davis, Wilson, Colfax, Case, Pettit-8. IOWA.-Curtis, T. Davis-2. KENTUCKY. UNDERWOOD, HUMPHREY MARSHALL-2. MAINE.- Wood, Gilman, Abbott, Morse, I. Washburne, Foster-6. MARYLAND.-RICAUD, J. M. HARRIS, H. WINTER DAVIS-3. MASSACHUSETTS.-Hall, Buffinton, Damrell, Comins, Burlingame, Davis, Gooch, Knapp, Thayer, Chaffee, Dawes-11. MICHIGAN. Howard, Waldron, Walbridge, Leach-4. NEW-HAMPSHIRE. - Pike, Tappan, Cragin 3. NORTH CAROLINA.-GILMER-1. Morgan, Pottle, Parker, Kelsey, Andrews, Sherman, manded the previous question. The call for the Burroughs, Fenton-23. OHIO.-Pendleton, Groesbeck, Campbell, Nichols, Mott, Cockerill, Harlan, Stanton, Hall, Horton, Cox, Sherman, Bliss, Tompkins, Lawrence, Leiter, Wade, Giddings, Bingham-19. PENNSYLVANIA.-E. J. Morris, Owen Jones, Hickman, 8.-Total, 120. NAYS. previous question was lost by the casting vote of the Speaker: 108 to 108. Very much to the surprise of the House, Mr. English, of Indiana, who had acted with the Anti-Lecompton party up to this time, moved that the House agree to a Conference Committee, and that a committee of three be appointed by the Speaker to meet a similar committee of the Senate, and on this he called for the previous question, which was ordered. The Yeas and ALABAMA.-Stallworth, Shorter, Dowdell, Moore, Hous- Nays were called, and the vote stood 108 to ton, Cobb, Curry-7. ARKANSAS.-Greenwood, Warren-2. CALIFORNIA.-Scott-1. CONNECTICUT. - Arnold, Bishop-2. DELAWARE.-Whiteley-1. FLORIDA.-Hawkins-1. 108: the Speaker voting in the affirmative, Mr. English's proposition was agreed to. The Yeas and Nays were as follows: YEAS. Messrs. Ahl, Anderson, Atkins, Avery, Barksdale, Bishop, Bocock, Bonham, Bowie, Boyce, Branch, GEORGIA. Seward, Crawford, TRIPPE, Gartrell, Wright, Bryan, Burnett, Burns, Caruthers, Caskie, Clark (Mo.), Jackson, HILL, Stephens-8. INDIANA-Niblack, Hughes, Gregg-3. KENTUCKY.-Burnett, Peyton, Talbott, Jewett, Elliott, Clay, Mason, Stevenson-8. LOUISIANA.-EUSTIS, Taylor, Davidson, Sandidge-4. -5. MISSISSIPPI.-Lamar, R. Davis, Barksdale, Singleton, Quitman-5. NEW-JERSEY.-Huyler, Wortendyke-2. NORTH CAROLINA.-Shaw, Ruffin, Winslow, Branch, Scales, Craige, Clingman-7. New-York. Searing, Taylor, Sickles, Kelly, Maclay, OHIO.-Miller, Burns-2. Воусе-б. SOUTH CAROLINA. -McQueen, Miles, Keitt, Bonham, VIRGINIA.-Garnet, Millson, Caskie, Goode, Bocock, RECAPITULATION. Clay, Clemens, Clingman, Cobb, John Cochrane, Craig (Mo.), Craige (N. C.), Crawford, Curry, Davidson, Davis (Miss.), Dewart, Dowdell, Edmundson, Elliot, English, Eustis, Faulkner, Florence, Garnett, Gartrell, Goode, Greenwood, Gregg, Hall (Ohio), Hatch, Hawkins, Hill, Hopkins, Houston, Hughes, Jackson, Jenkins, Jewett, Jones (Tenn.), J. Glancy Jones, Owen Jones, Keitt, Kelly, Kunkel (Md.), Lamar, Landy, Leidy, Letcher, Maclay, McQueen, Mason, Maynard, Miles, Miller, Millson, Moore, Niblack, Orr, Pendleton, Peyton, Phelps, Phillips, Powell, Quitman, Ready, Reagan, Ruffin, Russell, Sandidge, Savage, Scales, Scott, Searing, Seward, Shaw (N. C.), Shorter, Singleton, Smith (Tenn.), Smith (Va), Stallworth, Stephens, Stevenson, Stewart (Md.), Talbott, Taylor (N. Y.), Trippe, Ward, Warren, Watkins, White, Winslow, Woodson, Wortendyke, Wright (Ga.), Wright (Tenn.), Zollicoffer-109. [The four in italics had hitherto voted anti-Lecompton.] NAYS. Messrs. Abbott, Andrews, Bennett, Billinghurst, Bingham, Blair, Bliss, Brayton, Buffinton, Burlingame, Burroughs, Campbell, Case, Chaffee, Chapman, Clark Conn.), Clark (N. Y.), Clawson, Cockerill, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cox, Cragin, Curtis, Damrell, Davis (Md.), Davis (Ind.), Davis (Mass.), Davis (Iowa), Dawes, Dean, Dick, Dodd, Durfee, Edie, Farnsworth, Fenton, Foley, Foster, Giddings, Gilman, Gooch, Goodwin, Granger, Groesbeck, Grow, Hall (Mass.), Harlan, Harris (Md.), Harris, (III.), Haskin, Hickman, Hoard, Horton, Howard, Kellogg, Kelsey, Knapp, Lawrence, Leiter, Lovejoy, Marshall (Ky.) Marshall (III.), Matteson, Montgomery, Mor Republicans, 92; Democrats, 22; Americans, 6. Total gan, Morrill, Morris (Penn.,) Morris (Ill.), Morse (Me.), -120. Nays. Democrats, 104; Americans, 8. Total-112. The bill having been returned to the Senate on the second day of April, Mr. Green moved to disagree to the House amendment which | motion was adopted: Yeas, 34, Nays, 22. The following are the Nays: Messrs. Broderick, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Crittenden, Dixon, Doolittle, Douglas, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Stuart, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson. In the House of Representatives, on the 7th of April, Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, moved that the House adhere to its amend. ment, which motion was carried, Yeas, 119, Nays 111-the vote being the same as on the adoption of the amendment, with the exception of Messrs. Marshall and Bowie, who paired off Morse (N. Y.), Mott, Murray, Nichols, Palmer, Pettit, Pike, Potter, Pottle, Purviance, Ricaud, Ritchie, Robbins, Royce, Shaw (Ill.), Sherman (Ohio), Sherman (N. Y.), Smith (III.), Spinner, Stanton, Stewart (Penn.), Tappan, Thompson, Tompkins, Underwood, Wade, Walbridge, Waldron, Walton, Washburne (IIL.), Washburne (Me.), Wilson, Wood-108. The following, not voting, had paired off: Adrain with Huyler, Dimmick with McKibbin, Gillis with Roberts, Clark B. Cochrane with Sickles, Reilly with Thayer, Taylor (La.) with Kunkel (Pa.), Washburne (Wis.) with Arnold, Olin with Corning. Whiteley, absent. The Committee of Conference was composed of Messrs. James S. Green, (Mo.), Robert M. T. Hunter, (Va.), and William H. Seward, (N. Y), of the Senate; and Messrs. William H. English, (Ind.), Alexander H. Stephens, (Ga.), and William A. Howard, (Mich.), on the part of the House. On the 23d of April, the Committee made their report (susceptible of various interpretations), Messrs. Seward of the Senate, and Howard, of the House, dissenting. After a running fight of a week between the friends and opponents of the new scheme, on the 30th of April, the report of the Committee was adopted by both branches of Congress. It was as follows: An Act for the Admission of the State of Kansas into the Union. - Whereas, the people of the Territory of Kansas did, by a convention of delegates assembled at Lecompton on the 7th day of Nov., 1857, for that pur |