rest. Double rations of biscuit were served | In the morning M. Maticen, in surveying the out; and then until five P.M., they struggled snow-clad country through a telescope, deforward without once looking aside. Lieutenant Krusenstern had been the strongest of the whole company; but he was now weary himself, and had severe pain in his breast and shoulders.

He accords great praise to one of the sailors, named Panova, who now stepped to the front, and endeavored to infuse courage and spirit into the rest. At seven P.M., they were not more than a hundred yards from the shore; but darkness had come on, and broken ice and many fissures had to be passed; yet, steeped in wet as they were, it would have been death to remain upon the ice. The commander then gave the men leave to make the attempt as they thought best, advising them to go in parties of three, so that no one might perish without some help being given. The captain of the crew," Pankrator," and two sailors, gained the shore first. Their hurrahs were echoed, in the stillness of the night, from the cliffs and icebergs, and at eight o'clock the whole party were reunited on the coast. Wet, hungry, and exhausted though they were, their troubles were for the moment forgotten in the consciousness that they could not again be carried out to sea.

The shore being covered with snow, they ascended a hillock of stones, on which they lay down for the night; but they could not sleep, and again well-nigh perished with cold.

scried an encampment of Kurachins. His acnouncement of this filled the crew with intense delight; and, after a cautious approach to the tents, they were hospitably received. The chief of the camp proved to be a man of substance, having three wives, seven thousand reindeer, and six tents. He soon had a sumptuous repast set before the famished mariners. This meal included such delicacies as the flesh, tongues, and brains of reindeer, also fish fried in the fat of geese; tea and sugar they added from their own stores. After their hunger was appeased, their kind entertainers spread for them the softest of skins and furs, on which it is needless to assure our readers that their slumbers were long and profound.

It is not our purpose here to describe the overland journey of the company: it was marked by many curious incidents, and the commander gained much important information on the condition of the Tartar tribes. The party reached the Obi River on October 1st, and crossed to Obdorsk on the 5th. They were nearly lost whilst crossing the Oural Mountains in a snow-storm of seven hours' duration, but they all arrived safely at Kouia early in November. There the commander left the crew, going off himself at once to Archangel.

THE many readers of Mrs. Jameson will learn with pleasure that she left materials for a work on "The History of our Lord as exemplified in works of Art," which were designed as the natural completion of the series by her contributed to the literature of Christian art. The preparation of this work was interrupted by her lamented death in the spring of 1860. Her papers were put into the hands of Lady Eastlake, and two volumes have now appeared from the English press. The subjects are arranged chronologically. They begin with the fall of Lucifer, and take up the types and prophets of the Old Testament, proceeding thence to the history of the Innocents, and John the Baptist, to the life and passion of our Lord, while the series is terminated with an account of works of art illustrative of the Last Judgment. Lady Eastlake herself writes a large

portion of the work, which English papers describe as constituting a beautiful and interesting publication.

DISCORD ABOUT A CORD.-A Scotch parson, in the time of the Rump Parliament, said in his prayer: "Laird, bless the grand council, the parliament, and grant that they may all hang together." A country fellow standing by, replied, "Yes, sir, with all my heart, and the sooner the better; and I am sure it is the prayer of all good people.” "But, friends,'' said the parson, "I don't mean as that fellow does; I pray that they may hang together in accord and concord." "I don't care what cord,” replied the other, "so 'tis but a strong one.”

From The Spectator, 6 Aug.
MR. LINCOLN'S DIPLOMACY.

willing as the Republican to resign its dream of empire, and though utterly careless of slaveMR. LINCOLN never displayed his remark-ry, is scarcely prepared for the infamy of reable shrewdness to better advantage than in enslaving men freed by a national act. To the unofficial negotiations recently commenced offer them back their dream, the whole Union by the South. The Southern statesmen share undivided, without any further war, to secure with the Northern great skill in the manipu- the dignity of the government without a lation of elections, and early in July they hit resort to abolition, this was to give them new on a most subtle device for overthrowing the hope, to attach to them all the waverers, to President. They sent into Canada certain enable their leaders to promise all for which agents clothed with that kind of authority the Democrats really care. A re-united which it is so easy to repudiate, to open a Union, with two fleets, a million of soldiers, sort of imformal conference with the unrecog- and possibly Mr. Davis at its head,-this nized allies of the Washington Cabinet. The gentlemen sent were not envoys, or confidential agents, or even accredited messengers, but they knew the proposals which would be favorably received at Richmond," or, as European intriguers say, "understood the mind of the king." From a motive we scarcely comprehend, the Southern representatives, Messrs. Clay and Holcomb, selected Mr. Horace Greeley, their deadly opponent, but no friend to Mr. Lincoln, as their intermediary with the President, demanding a safe conduct, and giving out that they intended to propose conditions somewhat of this kind The Southern States were to re-enter the Union in a body as if no campaign had occurred, as if in fact the four years of war had been merely years of rioting and disturbance, very noxious, but without influence on the national constitution. The Confederate debt was indeed to be acknowledged, but the South would offer the means to meet it in the shape of a special direct tax on cotton and tobacco. As to slavery, all slaves already freed under the President's proclamation were to remain free, but all other slaves to remain enslaved under the laws existing before the

war.

It is hardly necessary to point out the character of these terms," for we do not

believe they were ever seriously offered. They would, if accepted, have replaced the Union in worse than its old position, with slavery still in the ascendant throughout the South, and slaveholders still recognized as the ablest American statesmen, with a debt multiplied thirty-fold to no purpose, and a terrible social disorganization encountered to no end. Such terms were certain to be rejected, but there was an object in offering them. They gave the Democratic party a foothold in the national councils. That party, while thirsting for peace is still as un

was a prospect which, as they knew, would make the heart of every Democrat bound with hope and delight. It was indeed to be purchased by the nullification of all that has been done in four years, but then all that has been done has been done by Republicans; by the re-imposition of slavery, but then slavery has always been condoned by the Democrats; and by the loss of all Northern honor, but then who would dare to criticise a nation possessed of a million of trained men? To men who care for nothing but empire the offer was most enticing, and its effect will even now be severely felt at the polls.

The President, who, believing that Messrs. Clay and Holcomb were informal plenipotentiaries, had already promised safe conducts, must have been sorely puzzled. To accept these terms, even as preliminaries, was to commit political suicide, yet to refuse them simply was to give color to the libel that he individually did not desire to see the war at an end. To impose new terms of any kind, was to give his enemies a handle, while to invite the envoys again to Washington, as if their "bases" had been accepted, was to deceive,-a course to which Mr. Lincoln never allows himself to be driven. He hardly knew how to address them, for almost any title might be twisted into a recognition of the Confederate States, while dealing with nameless men exposed him to the risk of a repudiation which would make him very nearly ridiculous. There is, too, a touch of not undignified pride in the old workman who rules the North; he felt that it was for him to dictate, not to receive the terms of peace. The situation was a difficult one, but the Western lawyer is not often caught in an inextricable "fix." On the very day he received Mr. Greeley's final telegram, he composed a reply, which, when analyzed, will be found to be a model of diplomatic adroitness.

We reprint it with the explanation visible own internal sense of the necessity for the between the lines.

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, 18th. "To whom it may concern— [Envoys or unaccredited persons, whichever you are], Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace [which I also, you see, desire,] the integrity of the whole Union [which is the Democrat point], and the abandonment of slavery [which is the Republican point and mine], and which could be proposed by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States [not the rebels, or the nation, but only the armies," '] will be received and considered [leaves the matter open to the people still by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on substantial and collateral points [dismisses talk about debts; the question not being one of chandlery!] and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. [I, you perceive, settle the bases, being your legal ruler.] (Signed), ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

President of the United States."

measure. Once re-admitted, the Southern members would, with their Democratic allies, have a clear majority in Congress, and could at once repeal the Confiscation Acts and every other penal law not previously embodied into their own constitutions.

We scarcely doubt that the President will be upheld in his course by the majority of the Northern people. Great masses of the Americans are still unjust in opinion toward the negro, and those who are not have scarcely conquered the instinct or prejudice which makes them dislike the presence of a free African race in their midst. But the war has taught all who can think that the society created by slavery and the society created by democratic freedom cannot exist side by side, and those who cannot are scarcely prepared to retrace the path strewn with their children's corpses, to cancel all the results of the war except its heavy taxation, and suppress all memories except those suggested by wounds. The North has made up its mind that however the struggle end, the materials for a new one shall not be left all ready to hand, that the new Union shall be a real one, or it The shrewd but dishonest device had been shall never be made, and the President has baffled by the equally shrewd but more hon- not stepped beyond the conviction it has est brain. It was impossible for the South gained in the war. Oddly enough, however, or their allies to assert that the President the President's refusal to give way displeases stood in the way of peace," for he had ac- the English friends of the South. If they cepted their terms with the single addition have a conviction in this war other than that that the cause of the war must be finally re- Americans are disagreeable, it is that the moved. No effort was made to humiliate the United States were becoming too strong and enemy, no cessions required, no concessions too overbearing for the safety of Europe, that refused, no single demand introduced of which they threatened to overshadow all other free it was possible to make a cry. The baffled nations, and might, should they cover a conenvoys exclaim indeed that the terms involve tinent, realize the ancient dream of univer the sacrifice of liberty, honor, and self-re-sal dominion. If they have a wish, except spect; " but these are the mere words of for the retention of slavery, it is that the disappointed men. The President had pre- Union should be split up into fragments, unviously pointed out the modus operandi of able to do more than defend themselves, to "submission," and any method more hon- interfere in Europe, or to dictate the form of orable or less inconsistent with self-respect it the reconstruction through which, as they would be hard to conceive. All that a State believe, the Spanish Republics must pass. in revolution has to do is to use its State Yet their organs, out of sheer hate to an inpower to abolish slavery forever, and send dividual, accept with pleasure a rumor of a representatives to Congress, and it at once restored Union, of a Union restored with its resumes its place within the Union, with its military armaments all unbroken, both its rights intact and its privileges unimpaired, fleets in full strength, and its people still unwith its liberties unassailed and with full aware that successful and unsuccessful war leave to rule the Union if its representatives alike imply heavy taxation. They will adhave the ability. No such terms were ever vocate all they dread, support all they detest, yet conceded by a State to subjects in revolt; if only it is Mr. Lincoln who removes their no such offer ever made to a subdued belliger-apprehension, and is hostile to that which ent. Even the appearance of submission is avoided, for the single act required, the abolition of slavery as the cause of the war, is not to be effected by the central, but by the local, power. It is as if Scotland after Culloden had been asked only to abolish the powers of her clan chieftains, and to do this without compulsion other than that of her

they abhor. After this, let us hear no more complaints of the "fanaticism" of the English friends of the North. They may have prejudices as well as their adversaries, and doubtless they have them, but at least they are not prepared to sacrifice their friends, their policy, and their convictions, to gratify personal spite against a single man.

POETRY.-We Two, 530. "Now I lay me down to Sleep," 530. Pay-Day, 530. Way

faring, 546. The Old Comedian, 546.

SHORT ARTICLES.-Frenchmen and Phosphates used in Agriculture 572. Rev. Samuel Crowther, 576.

Bells by Night, 546.

Englishmen, 545. An ample Apology, 559. The
Shakspeare, 572. A Valley of Death in Java, 576.

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